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tained grievances were in operation, while the Legislative Council of India were passing Bills for the improvement of the judicial administration. In dealing with matters involving any interference whatever with native prejudices, it was of infinite importance that the proceedings of the Government should be slow and cautious. reminded the House of the spirit which had manifested itself in some, he hoped a very few, of the Sepoy regiments in India, which had been easily put down; but there was a prevalent notion among them that the Government were intent upon compulsory conversion. He pointed out a passage in the petition of the missionaries in Bengal upon which Mr. Kinnaird had founded his resolutions, characterizing in terms calculated to give them much offence the religious notions of the natives of India.

Sir E. Perry supported the first resolution. The question, he observed, was whether the statements of the missionaries were true. As regarded the social condition of the peasantry of Bengal, no Englishmen could have equal opportunities for obtaining information with the missionaries.

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not depend upon the statements of the missionaries, which were confirmed by the indigo-planters scat tered over Bengal. He condemned in strong terms the employment young men and civilians from the revenue department, and without legal training, in the Company's courts in India. There were very few points of contact between the Indian and European races; but upon one field they could meet upon a footing of perfect equality-that of justice.

Lord John Russell concurred with Mr. Smith as to the inexpeVOL. XCIX.

diency of further inquiry in this matter, and could not agree to resolutions so broadly condemning the Government of India. While he thought there were serious faults in that Government, he could not say that the process of remedy would be forwarded by adopting the resolutions. At the same time, the evils were of the greatest magnitude. According to Mr. Halliday, the police of India was so defective and bad as to be an engine of oppression, and the courts of justice were insufficient. If this was true, the benefits of government were to a great degree lost; and yet, in the opinion of Mr. Halliday, these evils admitted of remedy. The Government were, therefore, bound to take the subject into their consideration, and he could not doubt that they would do so. On the whole, he rejoiced that the subject had been brought under the consideration of the House, though the adoption of the resolutions would not, in his opinion, further the object in view.

Mr. Mangles regretted the course taken by the missionaries in this matter; they ought not, in his opinion, to interfere with the concerns of Government. He discussed the causes of the comparative backwardness of the peasantry in Bengal, insisting much upon the feeble character of the Bengalees. It was the duty, however, and would be the endeavour, of the Indian Government, he said, to provide for the people the best system of justice; but he deprecated the extension of the Queen's courts, of which he drew a fearful picture, citing Mr. Macaulay's alarming description of the Supreme Court at Calcutta.

After some brief remarks by Lord Bury and Mr. A. Mills, Mr. [K]

Ayrton, urging the many difficulties which surrounded all subjects connected with the government of India, said he should move the previous question. Mr. Kinnaird said that after what had fallen from Mr. Vernon Smith and Lord John Russell, he should prefer to withdraw the motion. Mr. Hadfield, however, objected to this course, and insisted upon a division.

Mr. Puller defended the conduct of the missionaries. He moved the previous question, which, being put, was carried by 119 to 18, consequently the resolutions of Mr. Kinnaird were not put to the vote. On the 29th of June the alarming position of the British Government in India, as indicated by the intelligence then recently received from that country, formed the subject of inquiry in both Houses of Parliament, at the instance of the Earl of Ellenborough and Mr. Disraeli. The noble Earl entered at some length into the state of affairs just announced from India, which surpassed, he said, his worst forebodings. About three weeks ago he had asked whether the Government of India had made known at every station that it would protect all its subjects in the undisturbed exercise of their religion. Lord Granville then said that the Government acted judiciously in issuing no such proclamation. Yet the Lieutenant-Governor of Agra and the GovernorGeneral had in fact issued such a proclamation, though not until the mutiny at Meerut and the proclamation of the King of Delhi were known. The Indian Government had ample warning. There was an incendiary fire in the cantonments near Calcutta in January, a thing almost entirely unheard of. It was

well known that the natives were apprehensive of some interference with their religion. The 19th Regiment mutinied in February, and

was disbanded in March. There were indications of a bad spirit at all the great stations. On the 3rd of May, Sir Henry Lawrence, expecting an outbreak, quietly surprised and disarmed the 7th Native Oude Infantry. He took the initiative; but at Meerut, it was the mutineers who took the initiative. The officer in command at Meerut, whose name, it is said, is Hewitt, was an unknown man, who had never served with the troops at all. Government is not justified in placing a man, of whom the troops know nothing, in an important command. But where was the Commander-in-Chief? he knew of the dangers; yet he went to the hills in April, leaving the dangers on the plain behind him. Lord Ellenborough said that General Anson would have two enemies to contend with, the hot season and the want of carriage. His only hope was that the inhabitants of Delhi would be cut off from the supply of water they derive from the canal and the Jumna. They would then have to rely on a tank, established by Lord Ellenborough, but which the Indian Government, anxious to "obliterate every trace of my ever having been in that country," had allowed to go to ruin; so that, fortunately, it would not furnish a supply to the rebels for any time. any time. Further describing the position of things, Lord Ellenborough pointed out, that General Anson would be obliged to leave Europeans in charge of the cantonments, since the police battalions established by him when GovernorGeneral had been abolished; that in drawing troops to Bengal, Bom

bay and Madras had been left almost defenceless; and that we are really now" in a position in which it becomes necessary for us to use every effort which this country can make to maintain-perhaps it may be to recover-that great empire which we have acquired in the East." We have sent the naval force, that should have been left on our own shores, "to carry on a contest between Sir John Bowring and Commissioner Yeh." We have concluded an unsatisfactory peace with Persia; and this great calamity in India may cause a change in Persian policy. He recommended that, in addition to the number of troops which it is proposed to send to India, we should send ten regiments of infantry, three regiments of cavalry, and six batteries of artillery. But, to be at the same time secure at home, we should embody the Militia and call out the Yeomanry. He wished to know what measures the Government intend to adopt for reinforcing the troops in India, and at the same time for placing us at home in security while we cope with that great empire. (Loud cheers.)

Lord Granville replied that before the arrival of the recent news, 10,000 men, consisting of four fresh regiments and reinforcements for regiments already serving in India, had been placed under orders for embarkation. Since that news arrived, four more regiments had received the same orders, making in all about 14,000 men. With regard to the position of affairs in India, the Government had every reason to be satisfied with the energy and determination displayed by the Lieutenant-Governors of the districts in which attempts at mutiny had occurred, while with regard to the Governor

General himself, letters had been received from him, in which, while discussing the events which had taken place with all due gravity, he spoke so cheerfully of the ultimate result as to inspire the Government with the greatest confidence.

Some further discussion took place, in which Lord Brougham and the Earls of Hardwicke and Albemarle took part. The subject then dropped.

In the House of Commons, Mr. Disraeli put a series of questions to the President of the Board of Control. In the speech with which he prefaced his inquiries, he referred to the Russian war, pursued because Russian policy had a tendency to endanger our Indian empire-to the Persian war, of which the cause was so little known, and the object undefined-the war with China in which we engaged, because, it was said, that it is of the first importance that the reputation of England in all Eastern countries should be upheld. After these great exertions for the safety of our Indian empire, we found its existence imperilled, and the ancient capital of India in the possession of rebellious troops. Under these circumstances, Parliament had a right to ask what the Government intended to do. The House of Commons, he was sure, would hold everything subordinate to the determination to support the Sovereign in all measures required by the emergency. The calamity had not been sudden; for some time dark rumours from India had made men anxious and thoughtful. want therefore to know, not only what, in the opinion of the Government, has been the man cause of these calamitous events, but whether they were forewarned.

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wish to know whether, in their opinion, the cause is political or religious-whether it has originated in the mal-administration of our affairs, or in some burst of fanaticism, which ought, perhaps, to have been foreseen, even if it could not have been prevented. I wish to know what has been the nature of the communications received by the Government from the highest authorities in India, military and civil, upon this subject. I wish to know whether it be true or untrue, that, months ago, the highest military authority in India warned Her Majesty's Ministers of the unsatisfactory state of our army there. I wish to know whether there have been placed before the Ministry statements and complaints that our army in India is under-officered. I wish to know whether it has been represented to Her Majesty's Government that the habit of employing our regimental officers in civil and diplomatic services, without substituting men of equal experience and rank in their places, has exercised an injurious influence upon the discipline and the spirit of the army. I wish to know whether the civil and the military authorities of India have been in accord as to the information they have given and the representations they have made-whether the highest civil authority in India is not agreed with the highest military authority there in the policy which he recommended, and the views which he wished to enforce. would ask even of Her Majesty's Ministers, whether the GovernorGeneral of India, at this moment, has resigned the high office which he held." He added to these questions one observation on the state of India. Little as his confidence has ever been in the Government

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of India, he could not take those despairing and desperate views too often prevalent; he could not regard our tenure of India as a frail tenure; but, considering that India is inhabited by 25 nations, different in race, religion, and language, he thought everything possible to an inefficient and negligent Government.

Mr. Vernon Smith said that he readily responded to the call of Mr. Disraeli, so far as the occasion would permit. Feeling that confidence in the House of Commons to which Mr. Disraeli referred, the Government had immediately determined on sending out reinforcements of European troops to India. He hoped that by the middle of next month (July) there would sail 10,000 men from England-7690 reliefs and recruits to the Queen's army, and 2250 of the East India Company's recruits. But this was not all; on the application of the Board of Directors, 4000 fresh men would be sent out, bringing up the whole to 14,000. These measures had been determined on, not because the Government over-estimated the danger-it was a measure of security alone.

"I cannot agree," continued Mr. V. Smith, "with the right hon. gentleman that our Indian empire is imperilled by the present disaster. I say that our Indian empire is not imperilled, and I hope that in a short time the disaster, dismal as it undoubtedly is, will be effectually suppressed by the force already in that country. I need not detail to the House the transactions which have taken place, because every gentleman has read in the journals of the day a pretty faithful narrative of them; but I might say that I

am proud of the manner in which the Indian service have acted. I think that no better example could be found in civil life than that which was set by Mr. Colvin and the two Lawrences in Oude and the Punjaub, and the GovernorGeneral has expressed his delight and satisfaction at having to act with men of such sound and vigorous judgment. (Cheers.) Everything that can be done is being done in India, and troops have been already marched up to surround Delhi. Luckily the outrage has taken place there, because it is notorious that Delhi may be easily surrounded, so that if we could not reduce the place by force we could by famine. But I have no doubt that it will be reduced by force immediately that a man of the well-known vigour of action of my gallant friend General Anson appears before the walls of Delhi; and, at the date of the mail leaving, we had advices that General Anson would shortly be in ample force before the town, with infantry, cavalry, and artillery. Unfortunately, the mail left on the 28th ult., and I cannot, therefore, apprise the House that the fort of Delhi has been razed to the ground; but I hope that ample retribution has, by this time, been inflicted on the mutineers." With regard to the causes of disaffection, Mr. Smith referred simply to the withdrawal of the military men for the civil service, long the habitual custom of the Indian Government, to the alleged interference with the religion of the native troops, and other matters that require and will receive anxious investigation; but he was not aware that they had ever been brought so prominently before the Government as to justify a charge of neglect for not having remedied

them. As to the difference between the Governor-General and the Commander-in-Chief, he "was not aware that there were such differences between them as might not be allowed between all men acting together in public life." "Then the last question which the right hon. gentleman asked was, whether the Governor-General had not actually resigned. Resign in such a crisis as this! (Cheers.) Why, Sir, I should imagine that there is no one less likely to allow such a thought to enter his head; and I am happy to state, that neither on this occasion nor on any previous occasion has my noble friend tendered his resignation.. Lord Canning has behaved in this emergency with the vigour and judgment which I should always have anticipated. (Cheers.) His letters show no want of calmness, no lack of confidence. He says that he is certain that he shall be able to put this revolt down; and he adds, that when he has done so he shall turn his mind to ascertaining the causes which have led to it, and the best means of remedying them. There has been no lukewarmness on his part, no backwardness, no shillyshallying. His letter breathes that calm confidence and self-possession which best become a noble and generous mind. I have no hesitation in prophesying that my noble friend will prove himself perfectly equal to the occasion; and when people talk of the panic which exists in India, the best possible test of that, probably, is that delicate barometer of the state of public feeling-the funds. They have not been disturbed, and I believe that the Company's paper remains in exactly the same state as it was before these occurrences took place."

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