particular case, involving, as it did, an alteration in the whole parochial system. As the Bill was to be postponed to a fixed day, he hoped there would be no premature discussion of its principle on the present occasion.

The Bishop of St. David's was one of those who deprecated the undue haste with which this measure had been pressed forward. He concurred with a good deal of what had fallen from Lord Shaftesbury, but he doubted whether the success of the Exeter Hall services had been so great as was stated, and whether the working classes did attend in such numbers as was supposed. With regard to the present measure, he sympathised heartily with the effort to extend the influence of the Church among the working classes, but he hoped this object might be effected without any important innovation on the parochial system.

The Bishop of London had no charge to make against the incumbent who had prohibited the Exeter Hall services. He had no doubt acted conscientiously, but at the same time, as he, the Bishop of London, believed, without the exercise of a sound discretion. The right rev. prelate then entered into an explanation as to the supposed opposition of the bench of bishops to the Bill, and went on to express his satisfaction that there were to be services in the nave of Westminster Abbey; but even when Westminster Abbey and St. Paul's were thrown open there would still be need of further church accommodation, and he hoped that the right of the Church of England to have services in other places would be recognised. He could not believe that it was ever the intention of the law to give an incumbent a

monopoly which should stand in the way of the teaching of the Gospel.

The Bishop of Ripon, having preached at one of these special services, was anxious to testify that the congregation was mainly composed of the working classes.

Lord Campbell believed the power proposed to be given to the bishop might be safely granted, and that it would be exercised most beneficially for the Church and the people.

Lord Panmure expressed his regret that these Exeter Hall services had been suspended. He had been present on several occasions in different parts of the hall, and he found himself surrounded by operatives and mechanics distinguishable by their dress, and by every sign by which the position of

men can be known. He could also distinguish the effect of these services in the attention paid and the evident piety of the congregation. He could not help remarking also that a vast proportion of those present were men. As a sincere friend of the Church of England, he desired nothing more than to see such congregations as those which assembled in Exeter Hall last summer assembled in Westminster Abbey.

The second reading of the Bill was then postponed to the 8th of February.

The distinguished services of General Havelock, with whose exploits in India the whole country was now resounding, received public recognition at the hands of the Crown and of Parliament during its brief sitting. Prompt as it was, the acknowledgment came too late. At the very time when the conduct of this noble soldier was

the theme of every tongue, and while speakers in Parliament were vieing with each other to express in fitting terms their testimony to his merits, death had terminated his career. The fatigue and anxiety consequent on his arduous labours had proved too much for his constitution, and the hero of Lucknow had sunk under an attack of dysentery on the 22nd of November. It was on the 7th of December that the Lord Chancellor communicated to the House of Lords a message from Hor Majesty, announcing her intention of conferring a pension on General Havelock of 1000l. a-year. The gallant officer had been already created a baronet, and raised to the rank of K.C.B. The resolution in favour of the annuity was unanimously agreed to by the House of Lords, the Earl of Derby, in eloquent and fitting language, seconding the motion of Earl Granville. In the House of Commons Lord Palmerston moved a similar resolution, which was warmly seconded by Sir John Pakington; but that right hon. baronet intimated an opinion, which found much support on both sides of the House, that the proposed grant of a life annuity to an officer

already 62 years of age, and at that moment surrounded by dangers which made the continuance of his life most precarious, was an inadequate reward for services so great as he had rendered to the nation. The public voice out of doors strongly concurred with this opinion, the expression of which from many influential quarters, induced the Government to reconsider the matter, and to consent that the annuity proposed for General Havelock should be continued during the life of his son, a young officer of great promise and distinction, then serving on the staff of his father in India. The Bill for creating the annuity was therefore withdrawn, in order to introduce the necessary alterations. The circumstances which transpired before the Houses met again proved, indeed, how deficient the proposed measure would have been to meet the exigency of the case.

The business for which Parliament had been called together having been despatched on the 12th of December, both Houses adjourned for the Christmas recess, the day fixed for their re-assembling being the 4th of February, 1858.

and develope the national wealth and energies at home. We ought to contend against those evils from which society in a state of progress is not exempt.

Civilization, though it has for its objects the moral improvement and material welfare of the greatest number, marches, it must be admitted, like an army. Its victories are not obtained without sacrifices and victims. Those rapid paths which facilitate intercourse, and which open new routes for trade, at the same time derange existing interests, and leave those countries behind that are still without them. Those machines which are so useful, which multiply the labour of man, at first displace him, and for the moment cause many hands to be unoccupied. Those mines which diffuse through the world such an amount of metallic money as was never before known-that increase of the public means which tenfold augments consumption and tends to make the value of all things vary and rise that inexhaustible source of wealth which we denominate credit-are bringing forth marvels. Nevertheless, speculation, carried to excess, ruins many an individual. Hence arises the necessity, without staying our progress, of coming to the aid of those who cannot follow its accelerated march. We must stimulate these, and moderate those; aliment the activity of this breathless, unquiet, and importunate society, which in France expects everything from the Government, but which it is a duty to confine within the bounds of the possible and the calculations of

the dearth, the onward movement has not slackened. The product of the indirect taxes, the sure index of the public wealth, has surpassed in 1856, by more than 50 millions, the amount, in itself so exceptional, of 1855. Since the establishment of the Empire these revenues have spontaneously increased, without taking new taxes into the account, by 210 millions.

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Nevertheless, there is among one portion of the community great suffering, of which, unless Providence send us a good harvest, the millions given in private charity and by the Government will be but feeble palliatives. Let us, then, redouble our efforts to remedy those evils which are beyond the reach of human foresight.

"During the past year several departments have been attacked by the scourge of inundation. Everything makes me hope that science will ultimately succeed in conquering nature. It is with me a point of honour that in France the rivers shall be made to return, like the Revolution, to their channels, no more to leave them.

"Another not less serious cause of uneasiness has its seat in the state of men's minds. When a crisis arises, it springs from false rumours or false doctrines propagated by ignorance or malevolence. It has even gone so far as to disquiet the national industry; as if the Government could desire anything but its development and prosperity! The duty of good citizens, then, is to diffuse everywhere the wise doctrines of political economy, and especially to confirm those vacillating minds which, I will not say at the first breath of adversity, but at the slightest check to our prosperity, are wont to sow the seeds of discouragement and to in

crease the prevailing uneasiness with their imaginary alarms.

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Considering the various exigencies of the present situation, I have resolved to reduce the expenditure, without suspending the great works which are going on, and without compromising the substantial results which have been obtained. I have resolved to diminish certain imposts, without impairing the finances of the State. The budget for 1858 will be presented to you, duly balanced. All the items of estimated expenditure which can be foreseen are included in it. The amount produced by the loans will prove to have been sufficient to defray the expenses of the war. All departments of the public service may be provided for without our being obliged to have recourse again to public credit.

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The estimates for the War Department and Marine have been reduced within due limits-care being taken to preserve the cadres, to respect the degrees of rank which have been so gloriously gained, and to maintain an armed force worthy of the greatness of the country. It is with this view that the annual contingent has been fixed at one hundred thousand men. This number is twenty thousand below that of the ordinary enlistment in time of peace. But, according to the system which I have adopted, and to which I attach great importance, about two-thirds of these conscripts will only remain two years with their colours, and are afterwards to form a reserve that will supply the country, at the very first appearance of danger, with an army of six hundred thousand disciplined

men.

"The reduction of the effective force will permit me to improve the pay of the lower ranks and of

the line- -a measure which the dearness of provisions renders indispensable. In like manner, it yields a sum of five millions to begin with, for raising the inferior salaries of some of the officials in the civil departments, who, amidst the hardest privations, have set a good example of probity and devotedness.

"Nor have we forgotten to set apart a grant for the purpose of establishing a line of Transatlantic steamers, the creation of which has been so long required. Notwithstanding these increased expenses, I shall propose to you to suppress, from the 1st of January, 1858, the war tithe added lately to the regis tration dues. The abolition of this will be a sacrifice of 23 millions; but as a compensation for it, and in conformity with the wishes expressed on several occasions by the Corps Legislatif, I have caused to be taken into consideration the imposition of a new duty on all movable property.

"An idea wholly philanthropic had induced the Government to remove the Bagnes to Guiana. Unfortunately, the yellow fever, which had been unknown in those regions for fifty years, has appeared,. and arrested the advance of colonization. A plan is being prepared for the removal of those establishments to Africa, or elsewhere.

"Algeria, in which, under skilful hands, we see agriculture and commerce daily extending, deserves to attract our special attention. The decree of decentalization recently issued will favour the work of administration; and I shall neglect no care to offer you, according to the circumstances, the measures best adapted for the development of the colony.

"I invite your attention to a law