The consequences that followed from this division were very important. Two alternatives were presented to the Ministry thus subjected to a vote of censure by the House of Commons-to resign office or to appeal to the country. Lord Palmerston chose the latter course. His resolution was speedily taken and announced. The division had taken place on the 3rd of March; on the 5th, the Prime Minister stated to the House of Commons, a similar announcement being made by Lord Granville to the Upper House, that Her Majesty's Government had determined to advise the Crown to dissolve the present Parliament. The noble Lord thus declared the determination to which he and his colleagues had come, and the reasons that had actuated them.

The House must naturally expect that after what has happened, I should state to the House the course which upon due reflection Her Majesty's Government mean to pursue. Under ordinary circumstances, after a vote by which the House by a majoritywhatever the amount of it might be-affirmed that which many at least who voted considered to be a vote of censure upon the conduct of the Government, there could hardly be an alternative left to the Government as to the course to be pursued. The natural course

would be that they should tender

to their Sovereign a resignation of their offices, and leave to those who had obtained that majority the task of conducting the affairs of the country. But the present case seemed to us to be of so peculiar a character that we have not thought it our duty to submit to our Sovereign a resignation of our offices. (Loud cheers.) There is another course which the Government under such circumstances might constitutionally adopt, and that is the course which we have deemed it our duty to pursue. We have deemed it our duty to advise the Crown, at the earliest period at which the state of the business of the House will permit us, to call upon the constituencies of the country to exercise that privilege which the Constitution places in their hands. (Cheers.) I say the circumstances are peculiar, because while, on the one hand, looking to the simple result of that last debate, we might say that we had lost the confidence of this House, yet, on the other hand, looking to the divisions which took place very shortly before upon questions involving very important portions of the policy of the Government, the result was of a very different character. And I feel myself free to say, that some of those who concurred in the vote of Tuesday night made it understood that that vote was not to be considered as implying a want of confidence on their part in Her Majesty's Government. But it is vain to deny that that vote would render it very difficult, if not unseemly, for the Government with regard to which it was passed to undertake the conduct of the business of the country in the ordinary manner during the remainder of a long session. More

over, the state of parties which that vote indicated appears to me to show-connecting it with the various votes and fluctuating opinions of the House with regard to those majorities on former occasions that it would be extremely difficult for any Government, whether that which now exists, or that which might be formed, however efficient it might be-and I admit, not by way of compliment, but as merely stating the truth, that that Government which might be formed by a combination of parties (using that expression not by way of taunt) would be very efficient -to carry on the business of the country throughout a session in the state of feeling which at present happens to prevail in this House. I will not allude to the very strongly-marked difference of opinion between the two Houses of Parliament upon the question which was put to issue on Tuesday night. I do not think that would be a sufficient reason, but still it is an element to show what various opinions exist in regard to the present Administration as compared with that which might be its successor. This Parliament is now in its fifth session, and, measuring its duration by that which it has seen, it is a very old Parliament; for it has witnessed more important events than it has fallen to the lot of most Parliaments to

peace. Therefore, as concerns the events of which it has been a spectator, this Parliament has done as much as could be expected to fall to the lot of one which had completed its full term of existence.

"If the state of business would have admitted of an immediate appeal to our constituents, that is the course which would have been most proper and most seemly; but the state of public business does not admit of the adoption of such a course. We have, as yet, voted nothing upon the Estimates for the public service; we have arranged nothing in regard to the taxes, some of which require to be remodelled; we have not passed a Mutiny Act, and that in existence will expire before it would be possible for Parliament to reassemble and provide for the maintenance and discipline of the Army.

"The course which I humbly beg to propose to this House, therefore, is, that we should do on the present occasion that which has been done on former and similar occasions that which was done in spirit during the Administration of Lord Derby, when it was announced that there was to be a dissolution-that the House should content itself with those provisional and temporary measures which may be necessary to provide for the public service until the earliest period at which a new Parliament can assemble. We had proposed to arrange certain taxes for three years; we shall now propose to determine them for only one year. There are some taxes with regard to which it would be very embarrassing to commence to have them settled for too short a period, but we do not think that a Parliament which is about to be dissolved could properly be called

upon to fix them for a period longer than the year for which provision it to be made. Upon the same principle, we shall propose to the House to vote sums on account of the Estimates for only a portion of the year, and to pass a Mutiny Act for a similar period; thus leaving the new Parliament, which may probably assemble somewhat towards the end of May, free to deal with all these great matters according to its discretion.

"I should hope, Sir, that this House will see that the course which we are prepared to adopt is one which is in accordance with the principles of the Constitution, and that gentlemen will therefore place no obstructions in the way of our arriving at a time when fresh elections may take place, by interposing any unnecessary difficulties in the way of the adoption of the course by which we propose to provide for the public service. We shall abstain from proposing anything but that which is necessary for this purpose. There are many gentlemen who entertain strong opinions upon many subjects which they would wish to bring under discussion in this House; but they will, I think, feel that steps of importance cannot properly be taken by a Parliament situated as this House of Commons will now necessarily be. I therefore hope that the same honourable forbearance which has been shown by former Parliaments under similar circumstances will be exhibited by this one. There is this to be said, that now at least the country will have a really fair choice between two different Administrations-a choice which, without meaning to say anything offensive to any party in this

House, I may say it could not have had, at least not to the same degree, under that combination which has led to the state of things in which the Government now finds itself. As I said before, I am stating a fact without making the slightest imputation. upon those who have formed that combination; but I say that, so far as it may be an advantage to the country, it will have the opportunity of choosing between two different efficient Administrations. That, also, is a ground which the more justifies us in throwing upon the country the responsibility of determining what Administration shall be invested with the conduct and management of the affairs of the nation." (Cheers.)

Mr. Disraeli stated his views in a few words. The course adopted by the Government would be the best for the public service, since it would be to the advantage of the country if members should be returned entertaining definite opinions. He should give every possible facility to public business consistently with the true interests of the country.

Mr. Cobden observed that the House had come to a solemn vote, which had been entirely ignored by Lord Palmerston, and he asked him what he was going to do in consequence of that vote? The Executive Government had no right to hold office unless they were prepared to carry it out. If any danger to the British residents in China was to be apprehended from the vote, the first consideration of the Government ought to be the safety of our fellow countrymen, and they should send a competent person by the next steamship armed with full power to supersede

all existing British authority in China, and to act according to circumstances. If Lord Palmerston did not intend to take this course, what course would he take? A new Parliament could not meet until the end of May, and what would be doing in China in the meanwhile?

Sir C. Wood said it was not his intention to re-open the question. He assured the House that efficient measures had been taken to collect a sufficient force to protect the British residents in China.

After some observations from Sir J. Walsh and Mr. Deedes,

Mr. Sidney Herbert inquired whether the Government were going to continue the war for the same object, namely, the entry of Sir John Bowring into Canton, and whether the conduct of affairs there was to be left to a man who, in the opinion of the House, had brought about the present dangerous crisis?

Sir G. Grey denied that the object of the war was to obtain an entry into Canton. The Government, he said, had directed its most serious attention to the existing state of things in China, and would take every precaution to protect British lives and property; but they did not intend to send out civil and military officers to act in accordance with the views of Mr. Cobden, who had no right to assume that they had any other intention than to endeavour to place our relations with China on a proper footing. To accomplish this object, they would employ the means best calculated, in their opinion, to do so; and he trusted that the House I would leave the honour and the interests of the country in their hands.

Lord John Russell considered that the House was entitled to ask for an explanation of the policy intended to be pursued during the next three months, after it had determined that conduct which had been approved by the Government was worthy of its censure. The Ministers ought to state what terms were to be asked of China-what, in fact, was the object of the hostilities. With reference to the charge which had been made against him and other members of the Liberal party, of a preconcerted combination with the Conservative party, he warmly denied that any such concert or combination existed. (Cheers). "There is, as every one knows, a great party sitting on the opposite side of the House. I do not know that they have a combination with any other party; and I suppose they would be the persons to whom Her Majesty, if she were obliged to have recourse to other advisers, would confide the formation of a Ministry. I can only say, that any charges of combination which seem to be made, and which, no doubt, will be got up at the elections-any charges of a factious and unscrupulous union of parties in order to obtain a certain object

are entirely false and calumnious. (Cheers from the Opposi tion).

There is no one in a condition to prove such charges, or to bring the least evidence in their support. Certainly the different parties in the House-a great number of the party opposite, and a considerable number of honourable gentlemen on this side -concurred in the resolution of the honourable member for the West Riding, but I believe they concurred in it honestly and upon its merits. The vote of Tuesday

will form an honourable precedent in history. This House has shown, that while it has been ready to make any sacrifice in order to carry on a just and necessary war, it will not approve blindly all hostilities which it might be asked to sanction, and for which no case of justice could be established." (Cheers.)

Mr. Roebuck positively denied that he had been a party to any conspiracy of the kind alluded to. He had voted with Mr. Cobden only because he agreed with him. The House, coming to the rescue of England's honour, had declared against the noble Lord and his Government. "It would have been otherwise if the noble Lord had continued to be what he was in times past, when he declared him self the supporter of Liberal institutions and Liberal opinions. We have not deserted him, but he has deserted us. Where he went we would not follow because it was to disgrace, and it was because we anticipated disgrace and dishonour to England that we voted against him." (Loud cheers.)

Mr. Gladstone asked, if we were not making war to obtain the admission of Sir John Bowring into Canton, for what were we at war? Three months would elapse before Parliament could reassemble, and upon whose policy were the measures in China to be carried on during that interval? The House was bound, he said, to require an answer to this question. It was not right to vote supplies for carrying on a war which had been condemned by Parliament; yet it had been distinctly indicated that it would be carried on just as if the resolution had never been adopted. Lord Palmerston had talked of a combination; when

had it before happened that a case was so strong as to compel the House to interpose in order to check the mad career of the Government in another quarter of the globe? Overruling necessity had altered usage, and the division comprised the names of Lord J. Russell, who had led the Liberal party during more than 20 most eventful years, and Mr. Roebuck, no political enemy of Lord Palmerston.

Mr. T. Duncombe said, the noble Lord was going to appeal against, if not a combination, a strange union, of parties, and he was justified by the division lists, where were to be found voting in the minority 12 out of the 15 metropolitan members, a member for the West Riding of Yorkshire, and members for Birmingham, Leeds, and Liverpool. The noble Lord had said he did not mean to act upon the vote. After some sharp censures upon the foreign policy of the late Administration, Mr. Duncombe expressed his conviction that, if Lord Palmerston proclaimed to the country that he would maintain the honour of the national flag, he might defy the petty jealousy by which he was surrounded, and set at naught unprincipled cabals.

Sir James Graham defended the foreign policy of Lord Aberdeen's Government, and requested true explanations with respect to financial arrangements.

Sir John Pakington pressed the Government to say whether they intended to carry out the resolution of the House of Commons, and whether the conduct of affairs in China was to be left in unsafe and incompetent hands.

Mr. Fox repelled the accusation of being actuated by party