now resolved to limit his propositions. An account of some of these discussions will have been found in the preceding chapter. Some casual discussions on foreign affairs, chiefly touching the diplomatic transactions in Persia, with occasional reference to the operations in China, took place in both Houses, but nothing amounting to a formal debate. One of these occasions arose on a motion of the Marquis of Clanricarde for the correspondence connected with the cost of the expedition to Persia. It appeared, said the noble Marquis, that half the expense was to be charged to the revenue of India; but considering that the normal condition of Indian finance was a deficit, amounting latterly to 2,000,000l. a-year, and that the new loans proposed had not been taken up, it was hard to see how the Indian Government was to find the money.

The Earl of Malmesbury complained that the country, on the eve of a dissolution, was left in complete ignorance as to the Persian war. That war had been begun, carried on, and concluded without one word of information having been given on the subject by the Government. He was aware that, technically speaking, the treaty could not be laid before Parliament until it had been ratified; but still he thought a sketch of its details might be afforded before the dissolution.

The Earl of Clarendon, after this appeal from Lord Malmesbury, procceded to lay before the House the chief stipulations of the treaty recently signed between the British and Persian Governments, and concluded by saying there was nothing in those stipulations contrary to the honour or interests of

Persia. It was, in fact, a treaty which, if faithfully carried out in the spirit in which it had been negotiated, would be for the mutual advantage of both countries.

The Earl of Ellenborough thought the war was justifiable if it aimed alone at preventing the occupation of Herat, the gate of India, by the Persians. Whatever might be said to the contrary, and though Russia for the time might have reconsidered her position and refrained from hostile advances, it was certain that the march of a Russian army on India was no impossibility. possibility. Much had been said of railways and telegraphs and canals in India, but it must never be forgotten that our empire in the East was founded by the sword, and must be maintained by the sword. It was on well-equipped, well-disciplined, and well-commanded armies that our ascendancy in India depended. Now, when he looked back on the events of the last few months, the prospect of affairs in the East filled him with dismay. We had two wars on our hands, both owing to bad appointments. To Sir John Bowring we were indebted for the Chinese war, and to Mr. Murray for that with Persia. The talent required to manage Orientals was altogether peculiar, and however great Mr. Murray's ability might have been in Europe, he was quite incompetent to manage matters in the East.

The Earl of Clarendon defended the appointment of Mr. Murray, who, he said, had had experience of the East from a residence there of six years, and who had acquired a thorough acquaintance with some of the Oriental languages.

The motion was then agreed to.
The Earl of Ellenborough about

the same time called the attention of the House of Lords to the state of our relations with China, and offered some criticisms on the operations commenced by our Government in preparation for the war, by a motion for returns respecting the observance of the supplemental treaty by the British. As we are so strict with the Chinese, it behoves us to ascertain whether we have fulfilled our obligations to them. Those obligations were imposed with the view of preventing illicit trade. The 12th article expressed a hope that, as a fair tariff had been established, smuggling would entirely cease. Now, as regarded the articles referred to, it was only reasonable that smuggling should cease; but it was not reasonable that smuggling should cease on articles remaining under prohibition. That article must have referred to the expectation that a duty would be imposed, but which never was imposed, on opium. The article also provided that the British authorities should apprise the Chinese of any instances of smuggling that came to their knowledge. It is desirable to know whether that has been done. It is also essential to know whether the 14th article has been observed, which provides that the British should not allow any Chinese vessels to trade without passes. By the 16th article, the British officer at Hong Kong was to make a monthly return of the passes granted to trade has that been done? Having explained his object in moving for the returns, Lord Ellenborough volunteered a good deal of advice to the Government with regard to the conduct of the war. He complained that military and naval reinforcements had not been sent out earlier; and

objected to the Government plan of carrying on operations by European troops alone. He was afraid they would arrive at the most unhealthy season of the year, and that sickness would be fatal to the army. It is said the Government intends to do what was done in 1842, and send a force to Nankin: that would not embarrass the Chinese Government, but it might assist the Emperor in turning out the rebels. The operations should be confined to Canton. He heard with very great regret that there was an intention of sending out a great Plenipotentiary-some very important person in the confidence of the Government, who was to go with some person on the part of France, and some person, probably, on the part of the United Statesto exact from the Chinese Government some concessions which we have no pretence for demanding. He objected to that, not only because it would be most unworthy to take advantage of a supposed period of difficulty to require concessions from the Chinese Government for which there is no pretence, but because he deprecated any conjoint operations and any conjoint negotiations. We have had enough of both. We have seen the inconvenient manner in which conjoint operations affect the character of our arms and the result of our negotiations, and he most earnestly trusted, that, whatever the Government might determine on doing, they would do it by themselves; that they would exact only those terms to which they thought, as Englishmen, we were entitled, and that having obtained those terms they would retire from the conflict. (Cheers.)

Lord Panmure said that the policy of the Government in the

first instance would be to bring affairs to a satisfactory conclusion in a peaceful manner. But should the Chinese Emperor refuse to grant the reasonable terms which the Government demanded, then we should not rest until we had obtained them. It was therefore intended to send four regiments, under orders and ready to sail for India, to China. The transports that took out the troops would serve as barracks. The heads of the commissariat, medical, and store departments would arrive long in advance of the troops, and orders had been given to send adequate supplies to China. The war would be confined to Canton. The reason why it would be conducted by European troops alone was, that great difficulties might arise from the mixture of troops. In the last war,during the hot season, the native Indian troops were able to do duty, while the English soldiers failed and died; but as soon as the cold weather set in, the Indian soldiers became utterly useless, while the English recovered their health.

Earl Grey, in reply to Lord Ellenborough, said that he had no means of knowing anything about the papers granted with reference to the treaty, or what led to the adoption of the article respecting smuggling. There were three or four despatches which contained records of notices given to the Chinese authorities under the treaty; and he had been informed that in 1851 instructions were sent out to Sir George Bonham with reference to the numerous notices which had been given by the British Plenipotentiary and Consul to the Chinese authorities about smuggling, of which no notice had been taken by the Chinese authorities. There is, in fact, no doubt whatever that the smuggling took place with the VOL. XCIX.

connivance of the Chinese authori

There is not a single provision for giving notice in the case of transactions of this kind in the treaties concluded with France and the United States; consequently, British subjects were really placed in a worse position than the citizens of France or the United States. He repeated, it was perfectly manifest that the smuggling was connived at and shared in by the Chinese authorities. The result was, that Lord Palmerston, who was then at the head of Foreign Affairs, sent out a long despatch reviewing all that had been done, stating the terms of the treaty, and adding that, if the Chinese would not collect their own revenue, and assist in carrying out the terms of the treaty, it was impossible for this country to give effect to its provisions, seeing that we had never had their co-operation in carrying it out. Notice was given to the Chinese authorities to that effect; but the Chinese Commissioner returned a very vague answer, intimating that he was not aware that any smuggling had taken place. That was the position in which the matter had remained since 1851, and since 1851 there had been no despatches on the subject.

The motion was then agreed to.

The last sitting of the expiring House of Commons was on the 21st of March. Before the Members were summoned to the Upper House, to attend the Royal Commissioners, Mr. Thomas Duncombe put a question to Lord Palmerston respecting the relations of this country with Naples. He asked whether, since the withdrawal of the Legations of France and England, any overtures had been made by the King of Naples to the British and French Governments for the return of those Embassies; and,

[G]

if so, whether those were overtures likely to be acceptable? Lord Palmerston, in answer, said "No overtures, properly so called, have been received by the British and French Governments from the King of Naples since the discontinuance of diplomatic relations. An indirect intimation has, how

ever, reached us, that the Neapo

litan Government was anxious to

know whether, if the King of Naples were to carry into execution the convention made with the Argentine Confederation, under which the political prisoners now retained in the prisons of Naples were to be banished to the Argentine Republic, that would be considered by the two Governments as a substantial beginning of that more moderate system of government which we wished to see established at Naples. Speaking only for the British Government, we do not think that clearing the prisons of Naples by sending the prisoners into banishment in South America -with the intention, no doubt, of replenishing those prisons by means of fresh arrests (Hear, hear!') -would be such a change of system as could be considered by us as accomplishing the purposes for which diplomatic relations were broken off."

The Members of the House of Commons being shortly afterwards summoned to the House of Lords, the Lord Chancellor, under the Royal Commission for that purpose, read from the Throne the following Speech :

"My Lords and Gentlemen,"We are commanded by Her Majesty to inform you, that in releasing you at this early period from your attendance in Parliament, it is Her Majesty's intention immediately to dissolve the present Parliament,

in order to ascertain in the most constitutional manner the sense of her people upon the present state of public affairs.

"Gentlemen of the House of Commons,

-

"We are commanded by Her Majesty to thank you for the made for the exigencies of the liberal provision which you have that will elapse before the new public service during the period Parliament, which Her Majesty will direct immediately to be called, shall have been able to give its deliberate attention to these matters.

"My Lords and Gentlemen,"We are commanded by Her Majesty to express the satisfaction which she feels at your having been able, during the present Session, materially to reduce the burdens of her people.

Her Majesty commands us to assure you, that it is her fervent prayer that the several constituencies of the United Kingdom, upon whom will devolve the exercise of those high functions which by the constitution belong to them, may be guided by an all-wise Providence to the selection of representatives whose wisdom and patriotism may aid Her Majesty in her constant endeavours to maintain the honour and dignity of her crown, and to promote the welfare and happiness of her people."

The Lord Chancellor then formally declared the present Parliament to be prorogued until the 30th day of April.

A few hours later a Proclamation was issued declaring the Parliament to be, by Her Majesty's royal authority, dissolved.

The new writs were almost immediately issued, and a new election became the absorbing object of public attention.