perate rebels, who knew that they had too fatally compromised themselves to hope for pardon, would wander over the country, supporting themselves by plunder, and inciting the inhabitants to insurrection. And the longer the mutineers remained in force with arms in their hands, the more would the minds of the native population be kept in a state of uneasiness and alarm; and the administrative measures which the break-up of the old system rendered imperative, would be indefinitely postponed. To use physical illustration, it might be said that the volcanic fires had been subdued, except in one great crater still active in Oude, and a few smaller fissures from which jets of flame still issued ; but the whole country was heaving and trembling with earthquake, and the violence of the shock that had

a

passed over it was attested by the ruin with which it was overspread. But one great result had been attained, and that was, the proof of the utter inability of the rebels, no matter how overwhelming their numbers, to withstand the attack of British troops: and never, since England was a nation, were the splendid qualities of courage, endurance, fidelity to duty, and unflinching fortitude under disaster, which distinguish the Anglo-Saxon race, so conspicuously displayed as in the great Indian mutiny. Well may we be proud of the conduct of our countrymen and countrywomen in India, who failed not in the hour of extremest peril, but calmly and steadily accepted the fate which in God's mysterious Providence was marked out for them, and upheld the honour of their nation by their unflinching and desperate resolution.

great numbers descended the river to Kuchin, the seat of the Colonial Government, and attacked the dwelling-houses of the Europeans. They set the buildings on fire, and shot or cut down several persons who were not fortunate enough to escape. Sir Sir James Brooke and the greater part of the English, including many women and children, contrived to cross the river, and took refuge in some mangrove swamps until they were conveyed away in boats manned by Dyaks to Sabong. In the meantime the Chinese promised protection to the English who were left behind and still remained alive, and, it is said, actually proposed to the Bishop of Borneo (Dr. McDougall), that he should put himself at their head! Most fortunately a small English steamer from Singapore at this juncture entered the river, on board which Sir James Brooke went, and by her aid the Chinese were soon driven out of the town of Kuchin, of which they had taken possession. They were then attacked by the Dyaks, and a guerilla contest was kept up for several days, in which the Chinese were utterly routed, and great numbers perished miserably. Sir James Brooke says, in an account describing what had happened :

"The punishment has been almost as sudden and far more sharp than the treachery and first success of this miscreant body. A thousand and more have been killed in different places, their flourishing settlements destroyed, and not a rooftree to cover their dastard heads in the country. The numbers starved in their flight by being lost in the jungle it is difficult to reckon, but it must be considerable, and out of a population VOL. XCIX.

of 4000 or 5000 certainly not more than 2000 have escaped, and half this number is composed of women and children. The punishment has been severe. The Chinese will play no further treachery here, and in future we shall prevent their being associated in companies, disavow them, and reduce them to a daily obedience to the laws and a strict surveillance."

UNITED STATES.-The official declaration of the number of votes for the different candidates for the office of President, the election to which took place on the 4th of November last year, was as follows:-For Mr. Buchanan, 174; for Colonel Fremont, 114; for Mr. Fillmore, 8. The Vice-President elected was Mr. Breckenridge.

"Fellow-Citizens,

On the 4th of March the new President entered on his term of office at Washington with the usual ceremonies, and he delivered, according to custom, an inaugural address, from which we select the following passages :I appear before you this day to take the solemn oath that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the constitution of the United States. In entering upon this great office I must humbly invoke the God of our fathers for wisdom and firmness to execute its high and responsible duties in such a manner as to restore harmony and the ancient friendship among the people of the several States, and to preserve our free institutions throughout many generations. Convinced that I owe my election to the inherent love for the constitution and the Union which still animates the hearts of [Z]

the American people, let me earnestly ask their powerful support in sustaining all just measures calculated to perpetuate these the richest political blessings which Heaven has ever bestowed upon any nation.

66

Having determined not to be come a candidate for re-election, I shall have no motive to influence my conduct in administering the Government, except the desire ably and faithfully to serve my country and to live in the grateful memory of my countrymen.

"We have recently passed through a Presidential contest in which the passions of our fellowcitizens were excited to the highest degree by questions of deep and vital importance; but when the people proclaimed their will, the tempest at once subsided and all was calm. The voice of the majority speaking in the manner prescribed by the constitution was heard, and instant submission followed. Our own country could alone have exhibited so grand and striking a spectacle of the capacity of man for self-government.

"What a happy conception, then, was it for Congress to apply this simple rule-that the will of the majority shall govern-to the settlement of the question of domestic slavery in the territories. Congress is neither to legislate slavery into any territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the constitution of the United States. As a natural consequence, Congress has also prescribed that when the territory of Kansas shall be admitted as a State, it shall be received into the Union, with or

without slavery, as their constitution may prescribe at the time of their admission. A different opinion has arisen in regard to the time when the people of a territory shall decide this question for themselves. This is, happily, matter of but littlo practical importance, and, besides, it is a judicial question, which legitimately belongs to the Supreme Court of the United States, before whom it is now pending, and will, it is understood, be speedily and finally settled. To their decision, in common with all good citizens, I shall cheerfully submit, whatever this may be, though it has been my individual opinion that under the Nebraska-Kansas Act the appropriate period will be when the number of actual residents in the territory shall justify the formation of a constitution with a view to its admission as a State into the Union; but be this as it may, it is the imperative and indispensable duty of the Government of the United States to secure to every resident inhabitant the free and independent expression of his opinion by his vote. This sacred right of each individual must be preserved. This being accomplished, nothing can be fairer than to leave the people of a territory free from all foreign interference to decide their own destiny for themselves, subject only to the constitution of the United States. The whole territorial question being thus settled upon the principle of popular sovereignty-a principle as ancient as free government itself-everything of a practical nature has been decided, and no other question remains for adjustment, because all agree that, under the constitution, slavery in the States is beyond the

reach of any human power except that of the respective States themselves wherein it exists. May we not then hope that the long agitation on this subject is approaching its end, and that the geographical parties to which it has given birth, so much dreaded by the father of his country, will speedily become extinct? Most happy will it be for the country when the public mind shall be diverted from this question to others of more pressing and practical importance. Throughout the whole progress of this agitation, which has scarcely known any intermission for more than 20 years, while it has been productive of no positive good to any human being, it has been the prolific source of great evils to the master, to the slave, and to the whole country; it has alienated and estranged the people of the sister States from each other, and has even seriously endangered the very existence of the Union; nor has the danger yet entirely ceased.

"Our present financial condition is without a parallel in history. No nation has ever before been embarrassed from too large a surplus in its treasury. This almost necessarily gives birth to extravagant legislation. It produces wild schemes of expenditures, and begets a race of speculators and jobbers whose ingenuity is exerted in contriving and promoting expedients to obtain the public money. The party, through its official agents, whether rightfully or wrongfully, is suspected, and the character of the Government suffers in the estimation of the people. This is in itself a very great evil. The national mode of relief from this embarrassment is to appropriate the

surplus in the treasury to great national objects for which a clear warrant can be found in the constitution. Among these I might mention the extinguishment of the public debt; a reasonable increase of the navy, which is at present inadequate to the protection of our vast tonnage afloat-now greater than that of any other nation; as well as the defence of our extended seacoast.

"It is, beyond all question, the true principle that no more revenue ought to be collected from the people than the amount necessary to defray the expenses of a wise, economical, and efficient administration of the Government. To reach this point it was necessary to resort to a modification of the tariff, and this has been accomplished in such a manner as to do as little injury as may have been practicable to our domestic manufactures, especially those necessary for the defence of the country. Any discrimination against a particular branch for the purpose of benefitting favoured corporations, individuals, or interests would have been unjust to the rest of the community, and inconsistent with that spirit of fairness and equality which ought to govern in the adjustment of a revenue tariff. . . .

"The Federal Constitution is a grant from the States to Congress of certain specific powers, and the question whether this grant shall be liberally or strictly construed has, more or less, divided political parties from the beginning.

66

Without entering into the argument, I desire to state at the commencement of my administration that long experience and observation have convinced me that a strict construction of the powers of the Government is the only