GERMANY. The war against the freedom of public opinion, so long threatened, has at length been formally declared in Germany. The first ground was broken in Bavaria. There a severe ordinance has been published against what are called seditious and revolutionary movements, which declares all the agents of the executive authority answerable for the execution of the laws; and any who may join in the offences which they are called on to repress will be severely punished. All functionaries are to enforce the respect due to the authorities; to check all resistance or acts of violence towards the constituted authorities; and, if necessary, to call in the assistance of the armed force. They are immediately to have all trees of liberty removed within twenty-four hours, to cause all tri-coloured cockades and party badges to be laid aside, and to see that none but the Bavarian national colours are worn. All damage done by the rioters to be made good by the communes, unless they can prove that they have done their utmost to prevent or check such excesses. Every citizen is bound by the laws to assist the armed force when called upon. An article from Mannheim states the arrest of fortyseven persons, amongst whom are some students, and some Poles. HOLLAND. The final answer of the Dutch King to the requisitions of the Conference respecting Belgium has been received. This ultimatum declares, first, that he refuses to recognise the political, though he is willing to admit the administrative, separation of Belgium from Holland; but he says he is not wholly indisposed to treat hereafter for the recognition of King Leopold, provided his other terms are acceded to by the Conference; secondly, he insists, in the teeth of Article 9. of the Treaty, upon the closing of the Scheldt against the Belgians, and repudiates their acknowledged right of fishing in its waters, &c.; thirdly, he claims the reunion of Limburg to Holland, and protests against any canal or railroad across the province, so as to connect Antwerp with the Rhine; fourthly, he seeks the retention of Luxemburg; and, fifthly, he contends for a great increase to the portion of the common debt which is to fall to This lat the share of his opponents. ter demand seems the more unreasonable, because, in fact, two thirds of the sum originally apportioned by the Conference to Belgium was by way of fine for the opening of the Scheldt; but the King of Holland insists upon the price of the privilege, whilst he exclaims against conceding any part of it. It appears to be taken for granted that these qualifications of adhesion on the part of Holland to the Treaty of the twenty-four articles will be rejected by the Conference; and war between the rival states begins to be again, notwithstanding late delusive reports to the contrary, considered inevitable. PORTUGAL. Don Pedro's expedition landed near Oporto on the 10th instant, without opposition. The landing took place on the north side of the Douro; and the authorities, magistrates, and garrison abandoned the city, after breaking down the bridge of boats across that river. The inhabitants of Oporto, thus deserted, either did not or could not oppose any resistance. The bridge was repaired, and a force of 3000 men sent in pursuit of the garrison on its retreat into the interior, along with some other local troops. It is said there was some hard fighting, and also that a Portuguese regiment declared for Donna Maria, but was cut down by their companions. This is the substance of the operations of the invading army down to the 11th. We do not know whether the Portuguese Government entertained any fears of a descent at Oporto, or made any extraordinary preparations for its defence. Oporto, however, being the extreme point of the kingdom, the invader has a long way to march before he can reach the capital, and the very first step in the advance of his troops in that direction we find has been met by an obstinate resistance. From the single fact of the landing of the expedition in that remote quarter, nothing can be inferred respecting the result. The issue must depend upon the fidelity of Don Miguel's army. At the lowest, it is computed at 60,000, completely equipped and well-disciplined. It is probable, however, that, before our record of these events can be in the hands of our readers, some decisive blow will be struck. CRITICAL NOTICES. History of the War of the Succession in Spain. By Lord Mahon. t It is the misfortune, if we may so say, of Lord Mahon, to waste his valuable time, and extensive reading, on subjects that have not any interest at the present day. He exhausted a large fund of learning and research on an obscure period of the history of the Lower Empire; and, with the patience and industry of an old German professor, ransacked tomes of barbarous Greek, to disprove or establish points of Byzantine biography, on which no one could have the slightest wish to be informed. His present work, though not of so obsolete a character, is yet hardly more interesting. The "War of the Succession," when Spain was desolated by the pretensions of two competitors for her crown, more than a century ago, can surely excite no sympathy in the people of England at the present day. The struggle of Switzerland to throw off the barbarous yoke of Austria, and of Holland to emancipate herself from the relentless despotism of Spain, are incidents in the history of Europe, of a period much more remote; yet how different is the sensation with which we contemplate them! Who that has a heart to feel, or a head to think, can read with indiffer. ence the efforts of a Tell or a Nassau, and the incalculable benefits these efforts conferred on man. kind, by causing the light of freedom to shine upon the world, and so enlarging the human mind, and ameliorating the condition of society! But what possible good can the human race derive from contemplating the ambitious projects of France and Austria to place a creature of their own on the throne of another country? or what preference can he feel for one or other of the young despots, where there was no more to choose between Charles and Philip in Spain, than between Amurath and Mustapha in Turkey. When, at the present day, the mighty flood of public opinion is bearing onward, with an irresistible torrent, overwhelming petty interests, and obliterating the barriers which slavery and ignorance had created; - when common sense and common justice are going about the world like two great giants, the one pointing out what ought to be done, and the other compelling us to do it, for the benefit of our fellow-creatures, we can hardly turn our attention to such imbecile competitors, and their worthless pretensions, unless it be to say, with the satirist, "Strange that such difference should be Yet this history is not without its use. England was then, as she has latterly unfortunately been, the refuge of disappointed ambition. One of the competitors actually came in person to London to solicit our vote and interest; and, what was still more, one of them prevailed on us to send an army to Spain, to support his pretensions; and a boroughmongering parliament granted supplies for that purpose. Since that time, down to the Holy Alliance, we have been continually entangled in Continental politics; either fighting ourselves, or paying others to fight, till, like the ambitious giants of old, we lie crushed under a mountain's burden, from which August.- -VOL. XXXVI. NO. CXL. we in vain struggle to extricate ourselves, till the whole frame of society is convulsed and shaken. If we ever can be relieved from this intolerable weight, let the effect warn us how we ever again meddle with the cause. war. Yet it is but justice to Lord Mahon to say, that he has well executed an unpromising task, for which he had opportunities few can avail themselves of. His ancestor, General Stanhope, who had distinguished himself by the capture of Minorca, and from which circumstance, if we are not mistaken, his title of Mahon, the capital of the island, was conferred, was at one period commander of the British forces in Spain, and left behind him no less than sixteen folio cases of papers on the subject of the From these copious and authentic materials our author has liberally drawn; and it is not too much to say, that he has been able to add many new facts to the already published histories of these transactions, and to throw light upon others that were doubtful, or imperfectly known. Among the char acters that distinguished themselves in this war was the eccentric, but gallant and enterprising, Earl of Peterborough. He was the personal enemy of General Stanhope; and it is creditable to the candour and impartiality of Lord Mahon, that, while he has not exalted the reputation of his ancestor by undue praise, he has not tried to depreciate that of his rival. On the contrary, he renders every justice to his generosity and public spirit, his sagacity in planning all his measures, and his chivalrous courage in executing them. Probably the most inter. esting portion of this work are the details of his conduct at Tortosa and Murviedro, and his stratagems to meet the enemy on equal terms, his generosity on the loss of his baggage, and his effort to punish some wretches who had murdered his sick soldiers. But while we confess that we do not feel any great interest in the work itself, nor exactly accord with the politics of Lord Mahon, we entertain the highest respect both for his talents and character. We see a young man, in the prime of life, with the allurements of fortune, rank, and connections to lead him into the fashionable vices of the day, but devoted to such pursuits as are useful and honourable. Already has he evinced ability and industry, and displayed the result in the acquisition of information beyond his years. We trust he will long persevere in this honourable course. 1. The Life of Gouverneur Morris, with Selections from his Correspondence and Miscellaneous Papers; detailing Events in the American Revolution, the French Revolution, and in the Political History of the United States. By Jared Sparks. In 3 vols. 8vo. Boston. 2. Recollections of Mirabeau, and of the Two first Legislative Assemblies of France. 8vo. By Etienne Dumont, of Geneva. Gouverneur Morris and Mirabeau may be viewed as representing in their own persons the intellectual and moral character of the Revolution in which each acted so conspicuous a part. It was happy for America, at the moment she was called to 2 x achieve her liberty, and to establish her independ. ence, that, from the body of her citizens, she could summon to her aid not only men of the first-rate talents, but of the strictest probity; men worthy of a population distinguished in the civilised world as possessing in a very superior degree those virtues which ensure the prosperity and happiness of the social state. The wrongs which they felt, and others which they feared, had they yielded to the insane encroachments of the mother-country, converted them at once into a nation of patriots. Liberty with them was a substantial good, not a mere phantom of the imagination. They sought and adopted practical principles of government, suited to the present condition of human nature, without building wild theories on mere abstractions respecting the rights of man and the perfectibility of society. They undertock a mighty task, and they performed it well. The amor patriæ was the soul of their ambition. Personal or official distinction they regarded only as a trust committed to them for the benefit of their country. It is really refreshing to trace the various incidents in the life before us, and to be warmed with the glow of manly sentiment which pervades the correspondence, the speeches, and miscellaneous productions of Mr. Morris. Always incorruptible; always at his post; willing to act or to retire at the bidding of his constituents, but never forgetting or neglecting his duty as a citizen: - the American Revolution did not create, but it found, such men. The people had virtue enough to follow their counsels, and to imitate their example. And from the first hour of her independence, the sun of America has been gradually rising. Nothing has occurred to tarnish its glory, or to retard its progress. We repeat it,-we attribute this to the character of the people. Had they been frivolous, debauched, the slaves of a demoralising superstition, or the victims of atheistical impiety, of crimes their liberty licentiousness and their country the alternate theatre for the dark tragedies of tyrants and demagogues. This is a doctrine which Gouverneur Morris, with reiterated earnestness, presses upon his friends and correspondents in both hemispheres. This inspired him with confidence amidst the severest struggles, and the most perplexing difficulties, of his infant republic; while from the first he predicted that the utter want of public and private virtue would blight all the fruits of liberty in France, and, with the monarchy, shiver to atoms the very framework of society. Drawing a parallel between the leaders of the American Revolution, and the parties in the French Convention, Mr. Morris exclaims, in a letter to General Washington,-"How different was our situation in America! Every one performed cheerfully his part; nor had we any thing to apprehend from the common enemy. Such is the immense difference between a country which has morals and one which is corrupted. The former has every thing to hope, and the latter every thing to fear." their revolution would have been a series In a letter, dated Paris, Nov. 22. 1790, addressed, as before, to the President of the United States, Mr. Morris observes," This unhappy country, bewildered in the pursuit of metaphysical whimsies, presents to our moral view a mighty ruin. Like the remains of ancient magnificence, we admire the architecture of the temple, while we detest the false god to whom it was dedicated. Daws and ravens, and the birds of night, now build their nests in its niches. The sovereign humbled to the level of a beggar's pity, without resources, without authority, without a friend. The Assembly at once master and a slave; new in power, wild in theory, raw in practice. It engrosses all functions, though incapable of exercising any; and has taken from this fierce, ferocious people every restraint of religion and of respect. Such a state of things cannot last." In another letter he tells General Washington that "he cannot possibly conceive the demoralised state of all classes of the people;" and, in the course of his correspondence, adduces revolting instances to justify his general censures. One characteristic sentence we cannot refrain from quoting, as it marks the infatuation of the Assembly, for the most part composed of individuals without private worth or public consistency. "They have taken genius instead of reason for their guide, adopted experiment instead of experience, and wander in the dark, because they prefer lightning to light." It is highly instructive and amusing to read the impressions made on the mind of an eye-witness by the characters and events now so familiar to us, -as they were written down at the time. Mr. Morris's Diary and Letters are in this respect peculiarly valuable. We regret that there is so small a portion of the former: had he continued the practice, the whole economy of human life would have passed under our view, and we should have had aphorisms, sketches, anecdotes, and portraits without number. These volumes do honour to America: she may well be proud of such citizens as Gouverneur Morris and his illustrious contemporaries. We turn to a very different personage, of whom Mr. Morris speaks, indeed, with merited contempt, as one of the most gifted and yet most unprincipled of mankind. This is Mirabeau; "Recollections" of whom have been written, and preserved in manuscript, by M. Dumont; and which, since his decease, have been given to the world by J. L. Duval, of Geneva. "They contain a number of anecdotes never published, and statements concerning persons and things, more or less important, but all of great interest." In this we concur with the learned editor, though we prefer the opinions entertained by M. Dumont upon the conduct of the Constituent Assem. bly to those which he expresses in his preface. The English translator and editor has, in our opinion, somewhat offended against the moral taste of the virtuous part of mankind, when he asserts that, "with all his vices, Mirabeau had many redeeming qualities." It appears to us, from all that we could ever learn, and from all that these "Recollections" disclose, that Mirabeau was a man without a single virtue. For party purposes, many an illustrious reputation has been maligned, the most splendid virtues tarnished, and the mere frailties of a superior nature magnified into crimes: but who can darken the character of Mirabeau ? It is mere assumption, justified neither by fact nor probability, to affirm that "had his life been spared, the French revolution would have taken another direction, and the horrible excesses of the reign of terror never have blackened the page of French political regeneration. His death was the knell of the French monarchy; the glory of a long line of kings was buried in the grave of Mirabeau." This is not merely fine; it is superfine; and means—what ? —Just nothing. He, whose private life was infamous, never inspired public confidence. He had no political faith. His speeches were prompted by vanity -by pique-by revenge; and, while he was the orator of the people, he was a pensioner of the court. He lived in splendour from the secret contributions of the royal purse; he intrigued with all -deceived all-and died, as he lived, the victim of excesses which even in Paris were scarcely contemplated with indulgence. Had his life been spared, he would, no doubt, have endeavoured to save the monarchy, and thus secure the object of his own ambition; but it would have been impossible, even for his powerful talents and mighty energies, to have arrested the infatuation of the unhappy Louis and his imbecile advisers. The monarchy must have fallen; and the guillotine, in all probability, would have ended his career. Mirabeau belongs to History; but how would his name have shone in its annals, had he employed his wonderful endowments in advancing the true interests of mankind, had he been a Christian, and not an atheist; a patriot, and not a demagogue; a virtuous citizen, and not the shameless violator of all laws human and divine. We concede to him the possession of genius. But what is prostituted genius? It is the light of the sepulchre and the charnelhouse. Compare Mirabeau with Gouverneur Morris -with Washington. The comparison is an insult offered to the dignity of human nature. It is like comparing the American with the French revo lution. Of the work before us we are quite of opinion, with the English editor, that "it contains valuable materials for history." However we may regret that the work remains unfinished, we cannot but be thankful for the abundance of information supplied by these Recollections; every page of which is of great interest. Our regret arises from the very perfection of the work, even in its unfinished state; and had Dumont found leisure to fill up the periods connecting its different parts, and to give his promised account of the revolutions of Geneva subsequent to that of 1789, and in which he was himself an actor, this volume would form the completest compendium of the French revolution ever given to the public. The Highland Smugglers. By the Author of "The Persian Adventurer." 3 vols. We thank the author of this fresh and natural story; first, in the name of all sportsmen,- true and genuine sportsmen,-for one of the most animated and picturesque descriptions of highland deer-stalking, and highland habits, that it has ever been our fortune to see in print; again, in the name of every admirer of nature and nature's beauties of those whose hearts swell warmly at beholding the wide rich pastures, the chasms, "black with rock and shadow,"- the green and verdant hills, the leaping torrent, and, above all, the small quiet" bothy," with its pale blue smoke curling amid the heather of some huge mountain against which it rests, a resort, and a dwelling, for brave fearless men, for bonny wives, kind and faithful, -for maidens with "snooded hair," blithe, yet right modest in their pastimes. We thank Mr. Frazer, also, in the name of all young ladies who admire sentimental heroines and handsome heroes; and assure him, that, were we young enough to aspire to such distinction, we would break a lance with Mr. Tresham himself, in the hope to despoil him of so sweet a bride as Isabella Stewart. We have, moreover, great sympathy with his "Smugglers," who are of the right sort; - bold, reckless, fearless, dare-all devils, standing out in the foreground like a group of Salvator Rosa's own bandits -real flesh-and-blood rascals, who are so true to their calling, that, despite the necessity of so doing, we are heartily grieved when they fall by sword or bullet. But the most perfect, the best sustained, character in the story is the forester Maccombich; a being who, long after the volumes are closed, keeps his hold both on our imagination and our reason, and who is perpetually exciting our sympathy, our admiration, and, at last, our tears. We hardly know any personage in any of the Scotch novels to compare him with for Mr. Frazer is no imitator. But this we can aver, that there is no novelist existing who would not have added a fresh laurel to his wreath by the embodiment of this fine Highlander. We have seen it urged against these books, that their minutiæ sometimes sobers. into tediousness. We do not think so; the details would have been imperfect, had they been more concise: we have scarcely found a line of all we have read that we desire to have omitted. Ballytully is a disgusting but faithful portraiture; and nothing can be more judicious than the disposition of the lights and shadows, though Mr. Frazer wisely and kindly makes the former preponderate. We have troubles enough in reality, without seeking for them in fiction; and the "Highland Smugglers" adds considerably to our stock of amusement, nay, of wisdom, without making us unhappy, by reflections upon, or pictures of, the miseries of human life. We were not prepared for the literary transmigration of the author of the inimitable relater of Persian adventures into the recorder of highland hunts and huntsmen; it was as unexpected as it is delightful, and we congratulate Mr. Frazer as much upon his present as his former state of existence. The Life and Pontificate of Gregory the Seventh. By Sir Roger Griesley, Bart. F.A.S. The life of the monk Hildebrand, his exaltation to the papacy, and an analysis of that subtle yet gigantic system of policy by which he taught the Leos, the Sixtuses, and Piuses to govern, not a people only, but all the nations of Europe, without recourse to force or arms, cannot fail to afford an interesting and instructive lesson, when sought out from impartial and authentic sources. This has been effected, in the work now under notice, with a respectable degree of success. It is shown, by a careful collation of documents not accessible to any but those who have had leisure and opportunity to seek for them, like the author, in the libraries and col lections of Italy, that the ecclesiastical despotism which for so long a series of centuries prevailed in Italy, was introduced by a skilful combination of violence and fraud, and was opposed, however unsuccessfully, by a succession of learned and enlightened men, who viewed with indignation the temporal sovereignty of the church, and pitied the political debasement and religious thraldom in which their countrymen were held. Hildebrand was, in fact, little more than an instrument in the hands of the monks, who aimed at universal domi nion over the church, and, through the church, over the whole world. But it was Hildebrand who, when pope, taking advantage of the spirit of the times, placed himself at the head of the people, proclaimed its liberties against the nobles, opened the monasteries and colleges to the inexhaustible phalanx of the multitude, and, by the power and influence of the monkish congregations of every denomination, extended and maintained the rights and privileges of the Roman court, which had released them from the yoke of the bishops and the nobility. To the life and the political career of this extraordinary man is prefixed a concise but connected account of the leading events which had taken place, and a summary of the principal religious opinions that had prevailed, in Italy and Rome, for half a century preceding the commencement of the immediate subject of the work. This introductory compendium, which is clearly though briefly drawn up, contains all the preliminary information requisite for throwing light and interest on the subsequent matter, much of which might otherwise have proved to ordinary readers obscure or unintelligible. To those who have leisure and inclination to attend to the internal history of Rome during those dark ages of ecclesiastical dominion, this will, we doubt not, prove an interesting volume. from certain expressed or implied strictures" in the History. The result of his remarks is simply to correct one error in Colonel Napier's Narrative, who has asserted that Sir David Baird made his retreat upon Villa Franca without orders a statement now acknowledged to be incorrect. That Sir David Baird, however, was guilty of unpardonable negli. gence in forwarding despatches to Generals Hope and Fraser by a drunken orderly dragoon; in consequence of the non-delivery of which, the division of Fraser proceeded on the road to Vigo, instead of halting at Lugo with the rest of the army, is as evident as the light of day: and if Colonel Sorrel had listened to the dictates of prudence, he might have been aware that, according to the observation of our crafty British Solomon, there are cases in which a rent is not worse than a darn. Major Leith Hay, the writer of a Narrative of the Peninsular War, next enters the field, and is very speedily disposed of. The author, however, of "Strictures upon Colonel Napier's History," a work written in express vindication of Lord Beresford, although it is to be hoped, for his Lordship's credit, unperused by himself before publication, – demands, and has received, a more explicit and particular confutation. Without examining the Lights and Shadows of American Life. controversy at length, it is enough to state that, on By Mary Russel Mitford. 3 vols. We have only one fault to find with this original and delightful collection of tales-we think the title ill chosen; it is indelibly connected with the writings of one of our great modern writers, and is not particularly illustrative of the volumes before us. The tales are very various; those by Paulding have a high order of merit : sarcastic, spirited, they abound in national sketches, taken by a vigorous and graphic pen. The "Isle of Flowers" is a beautiful story, full of romance and poetry; but our especial favourite is the " Back. Woodsman," by Mr. Flint. Simple, touching, appealing to our sympathies of "hearth and home; " teaching a lesson of the meekest plety, and most patient exertion; it is equally beautiful and natural. It is a story that may take its place with "Simple Susan," "The Son of a Genius," and other delights of our youth. It is also a most graphic picture of the picturesque and adventurous, but hard and toilsome life, led in the wild forests of America, when the woods first ring with the axe, and the smoke of a human dwelling first ascends among the trees. One or two of the tales are scarce worthy of their place; but, take them all in all, these volumes have great and various attractions. A Reply to various Opponents, &c. Colonel W. F. P. Napier, C. B. almost every point in question, Colonel Napier brings forward authorities in support of his assertions, which assure him a triumphant issue to the contest. In the latter part of the pamphlet is contained a defence of those operations which, with the exception of the movements which determined the battle of Waterloo, have occupied a greater share of attention in this country than any events during the last war. We allude to the conduct of the advance into Spain, and subsequent retreat to Corunna, of the army under Sir John Moore. Of this officer, it is well known that Napoleon himself, speaking at a time when he seems to have had neither motive nor inclination to be otherwise than sincere, used the highest terms of approbation; but even had his military talents been less than they were, the self-devotion and patriotism which characterised the scene of his heroic death, might have protected his memory from the censures and calumnies which a selfish and unprincipled faction have endeavoured to connect with it. Col. Napier, in his great work, has appeared a candid and generous advocate of the merits of a com. mander, whose abilities he is well qualified to estimate, and the merit of one of our best of soldiers, as well as of men, have been ably recorded by our most judicious military annalist. The author of "Cyril Thornton," however, "haud spernandus aucBy for," in conjunction with Major Moyle Sherer, and The admirable History of the Peninsular War, from the pen of Colonel Napier, was written with too strict an attention to truth, and too great a freedom from party spirit or feeling, to allow its author to expect security from the attacks of either avowed or anonymous opponents. Accordingly, he has been so vigorously assailed, both at home and abroad, as to render a reply to his objectors necessary for the vindication both of his own credit, and the accuracy of his means of information. In the above-named pamphlet, his several antagonists are answered in succession. The first in the list is Colone! Sorrel, who has thought it incumbent upon him to appear as the champion of Sir David Baird, by defending him Colonel Sorrel, have renewed the old charge of |