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truiry, that Somerville might be considered as virtually discharged; that he believed the discharge would take place in a very short time—A petition having been presented on behalf of two persons imprisoned for blasphemous libels, Mr. Perceval complained of the disgracefulness of petitions from those who reviled our Lord and Saviour; when on a motion of Mr. Hunt, the House was counted—and counted out. August 10. Mr. W. B. Evans gave notice that, in the event of his being in Parliament next Session, he should move for leave to bring in a Bill for conferring the elective franchise upon all male persons of the age of twenty-one years and upwards, who were not disqualified by the commission of any crime, or loss of intellect. He also gave notice that he should move for leave to bring in a Bill to impose a tax upon all landed and funded property, for the purpose of paying the interest of the National Debt, instead of
its being paid by the sweat of the brow of unborn generations.—At a quarter past two Sir A. Clifford, the Usher of the Black Rod, summoned the House to the House of Lords, for the purpose of attending the prorogation of Parliament by his Majesty. The several Members proceeded accordingly, with the Speaker at their head. On their return, the Speaker, while standing at the table, read his Majesty's Speech. As soon as he had concluded, every Member in the House eagerly pressed forward to shake him by the hand, and testify, by the tribute of a cordial farewell, how deeply sensible they all were of those qualities which have conferred enhanced respect, honour, and dignity on his exalted situation for the
last sixteen years At a quarter before
three the several Members retired; and thus terminated the proceedings of one of the most arduous and memorable Sessions in the Parliamentary history of England.
NEW SOUTH Wales. Another circumstance likely to be of ad
The "Sydney Herald," dated to the vantage to the colony is the establishment
end of February, gives a favourable ac- of a regulation for giving publicity to the
count of the state of affairs in the colony proceedings of the Legislative Council.
of New South Wales. The disputes which This colonial reform was as much wanted,
have so long existed between the authori- perhaps, as reform at home, and we augur
ties and the settlers appear to have been the best consequences from it. Altogether
amicably arranged, and some important the accounts are very gratifying. The
concessions have been made to the colo- internal resources of the colony were im
nists. Australian wool has been much proving, new establishments were forming,
improved, and has enabled the growers to and a system of rigorous economy hud
reap advantages from their attention, been established.
The communication between Sydney and The " Sydney Gazette" states the ordi
Newcastle was much facilitated, several nary revenue of the colony—
new steam-boats having been built, and In 1831, at jfc'llC^O-' 7 2
various new sources had been opened for In 1B30 99,'J?I 4 3J
the employment of labour and capital. The _ ,. ,.,, „ ,.,
, .. , r: * . . u J • -u Increase 16,431 2 I0J
total number of convicts who, during the *
last year, arrived in the colony from all And the extraordinary, at 4,063 7 9
parts of the United Kingdom, amounted
to 2,149 males, and C51 females; there Total £122,854 13 0
have also been importations of a great Being an increase of 8S,008(. 1?j. lid.
number of free females, also many wives
and children of the convicts: an arrange- CANADA.
ment which has been productive of the The increase of population has been,
happiest consequences. A public meeting and continues to be, so astonishingly ra
has been held at Paramatta, upon the sub- pid> tl)at ;t is weu to note jt particularly.
ject of the obnoxious land regulations, By minutes of evidence More a committee
and the ruinous system of quit-rents under of the House of Assembly, Quebec, 1824,
which the land-owners were suffering; jt appears that the whole population of
but the Governor having prolonged the Lower Canada, ,„ 1784. was 65,338
time for the payment of arrears of pur- Nova ScoUa>by Halihurton,then was.. S2,0uo
chase-money for land due, the intention New Brnnawick and Newfoundland, say 12,000
of petitioning his Majesty was for the pre
«eut abandoned. The impolicy of throw- Total 109,338
ing any impediments in the way of free v Cnnllda „,„ WM BotM mM
emigration was strongly urged as detn- a Total of, say 110,000
mental to the interests of the colony. ,
The present population may be taken at—
For Upper Canada 200.000
„ Lower Canada 544,000
„ New Brunswick 80,000
„ Nova Scotia 130,000
„ Cape Breton, Newfoundland, and
Frince Edward's Island, say 100,000
Here then is almost a tenfold increase in 4G years, which shews a duplicating ratio every 14, and is rather better than an increase at 5 per ceut. compound interest. This, however, is, in a great degree, an emigrating increase, and not a natural one. The United States are found to double every 24 years, which is equal to 3 per cent, at compound interest.
AMERICA. (UNITED STATES.)
The New Tariff has at length passed both Houses of the American Congress. The Bill much more closely resembles that introduced by Mr. Adams, on the recommendation of the Committee of Manufactures, than the original Bill proposed by the Secretary of the Treasury, and the scale of duties is therefore higher than that which had been hoped for. By the Bill sent from the Treasury, all woollen goods above a certain low price were to have been chargeable with 30 per cent, ad vaiorem duty. By the Bill which has passed, the duty is fixed at 50 per cent.
The Tariff of 1823 established a complicated system of regulation, which varied the per centage of duty according to the different values of the goods. AH goods of less value than one dollar (4s. 6rf.) per square yard, were charged as If they were of one dollar's value: ail goods whose value was between 1 dollar and 'Ji dollars, were charged as if they were worth 2i dollars; and all goods whose value was between 2.J and 4 dollars, were charged as if worth 4 dollars.
The New Tariff entirely does away with this system, and simplifies the arrangement, though it does not very materially reduce the duty, except on the lowest kinds of goods. Woollen goods, the actual value of which was below 35 cents. (I7id.) were charged with at least 40 per cent, ad valorem duty, by the Old Tariff: by the New Tariff the duty is reduced to 5 per cent., which is a douceur to the southern planters, who purchase the lowest kinds of woollens for negro clothing. This reduction of duty will no doubt greatly increase the exportation of paddings, and the lowest qualities of woollens, of which already a very considerable quantity is sent from England to the United States.
On woollens above 35 cents, in value, there was a duty by the Old Tariff of at least 45 per cent., but which, by the system of minlmums above-mentioned, rose to 70, SO, or 100 per cent, on goods of certain prices, so as to become quite prohibitory. Another regulation, which required the addition of 10 or 12 per cent, to the cost nf any goods imported, had the effect of raising the duty from 45 up to 55 per cent. By the New Tariff, all woollens above 35 cents. In value (with the exception of blankets, flannels, baizes, carpets, &c.) are chargeable with an ad valorem duty of 50 per ceut. The new duty will, therefore, bt lower than the old, and it will, In other
respects, give great accommodation to the exporting manufacturer.
On worsted stuff goods the Old Tariff laid a duty of 25 per cent., and the New Tariff reduces that duty to 10 per cent, j which will be a very material advantage to the English manufacturer.
On blankets, mits. gloves, hosiery, and carpeting (of low qualities) the Old Tariff laid a duly of 35 per cent., and the New Tariff reduces it to 25 per cent. On blankets, of which the cost shall not exceed 75 cents (3*. I.Jrf.) the duty is reduced down to 5 per cent, ad valorem.
The duties on flannels and baizes continue almost prohibitory, viz. 16 cents (Bd.) per square yard. Under the Old Tariff they were nominally 45 per cent, admlorem, but really more than that.
The duties on cotton goods remain unaltered, being 25 per cent.
On silk manufactures from beyond the Cope of Good Hope, the duties are reduced from 30 down to 10 per cent., and from other parts they are reduced from 20 down to 5 per cent, ad valorem*
This Bill does away with the plan of giving eight, ten, and twelve months' credit for the Customs duties, and the duties on woollens are now required to be paid In cash. The new regulation will be decidedly beneficial to the English exporter, by making the trade more sound and steady; the old system encouraged adventurers in New York and the other American cities to trade on no other capital than the Govern, ment credits; and the consequence was that many rash speculations were entered into, and the goods were often sacrificed by being forced to a sale, or the importer failed, and all his effects were swept away by the Government creditor.
On the whole, therefore, the New Tariff is a decided improvement, and it will, we hope, be found beneficial to the English manufacturer, although the same jealousy of English manufactures, which dictated the Tariff of 1828, has dictated that of 1832.
The new duties come into operation on the 3d of March, 1833.
President Jackson has refused his assent to the law which renews the charter of the National Bank of the United States. His principal reason is, that three years and a half have yet to elapse before the present charter expires.
The Senate of the United States have rejected the award of the King of the Netherlands relative to the north-eastern boundary of Canada.
The cholera has unhappily made its appearance in New York, and in other parts of America.
The marriage between King Leopold and the Princess Louise took place at Compiegne on the 9th of July, with great splendour. There were three ceremonies performed: the civil contract, the religious rites according to the Catholic Church, and those according to the Reformed Church of Germany.
A manifesto of the German Diet, holden on the 28th of June, has recently been published. It is designed to repress the revolutionary spirit now manifesting itself in so many quarters of Germany, which, in the words of the President of the Diet, "lias reached to such a height, that it not only menaces the internal tranquillity and the safety of the different States, but even the existence of the whole Confederation." The President proceeds to complain of "the immense number of journals and revolutionary pamphlets which inundate the country, the abuse of speaking even in the Chambers of the States, the daily progress of a system of propagandism which at first prudently held itself in reserve, but which now does not blush to appear in open day, and the ineffectual attempts of each particular government to repress these disorders;" and concludes by saying, that " these combinations have impressed on the Kmpcror of Austria the painful conviction that the revolution of Germany is advancing at a rapid pace to maturity, and that it will unavoidably burst forth if longer tolerated by the Confederation." With the Emperor, the King of Prussia cordially co-operates, and all the States of the German Confederation have given in their signatures to the document. It concludes by resolutions, binding every German Sovereign to assist any other who may demand his aid, in keeping down licentiousness, anarchy, seditious or treasonable speeches or writings, in any part of the German Confederation. Austria and Prussia especially promise their potent assistance in this work. The adhesion even of Hanover is not wanting to this document, the principle of which has already been followed up by the Elector of Hesse Cassel. He has issued a decree, in which he prohibits all meetings and assemblies similar to those which have been recently held in Germany, directs all banquets and public fetes to be dissolved as illegal, and orders all persons delivering speeches or proposing toasts to
be arrested, imprisoned, and brought before the tribunals to be punished.
On the 14th of June, the Chamber of Representatives at Hanover agreed to a strong protest against the Decree of the Diet.
In conformity with the general resolutions of the German Diet, the two popular Baden journals, the Liberal and the Sentinel of the Rhine, have been suppressed; and the Government of Baden has been instructed, through its ambassador, to see this resolution put into effect. The editors are forbidden to edit any other similar journals in any of the states of the Confederation, and the state of Baden is called on to give information respecting the real authors of the articles that hare appeared in the Liberal and Sentinel. A resolution of the Diet, dated 5th July, prohibits all periodicals or political works of any kind in the German language, containing less than twenty printed sheets, from being introduced into any of the states without the previous consent of Government. Political associations of every kind are interdicted. All extraordinary popular assemblies and fetes, except such as have been long in use, and are permitted by the laws and customs of the locality, are also interdicted. The organizing or aiding in any such extraordinary assemblies is declared penal, as well as all attempts to employ customary assemblies for political purposes. Badges of every kind are forbidden to foreigners and natives equally. The Confederation pledge themselves to the rigorous execution of the resolutions adopted in 1819 and 1824, for the punishment, by expulsion, of such Professors in Universities or other establishments as "abuse their ascendency over the minds of their pupils to inculcate doctrines contrary to public order ; " and for the suppression of the Burtchemchaft. There are several other resolutions respecting the watchfulness to be exercised by the states respectively concerning persons who may be suspected of seditious practices, as well natives as foreigners, who may seek refuge within the limits of the Confederation. Lastly, the states mutually ensure to each other " prompt and mutual military assistance; and, admitting that the present circumstances are not less pressing than in October, 1830, and require extraordinary measures for the employment of the military forces of the Confederation, they will join in extending the provisions of the Ordonnance of October 21, 1830, for the re^establishment and maintenance of tranquillity iu Germany, and keep them on foot as long as the repose of the country shall require them."
Little change has taken place in the position of the combatants in Portugal during the month. Don Pedro is at Oporto, confining himself within, but fortifying that position. He is organizing his volunteers, who now form an effective body of 4000 or 5000 men, and receiving deserters, who do not, however, confessedly, come in great numbers. The Miguelite General, Santa Martha, is at Penafiel, in the neighbourhood of Oporto, having effected a junction between his forces and those of General Povoas; but no collision, however trifling, has taken place between the troops of the rivals since the affair of Vallonga, on the 23d July. Don Pedro's plan is evidently to make Oporto his lai», and, whenever the Miguelites approach, to sally out upon them, and return to Oporto as his head-quarters, until he finds himself sufficiently strong to advance upon Lisbon.
A fight at sea has taken place between the fleet of Sartorius and that of Don Miguel, but its results have been of no importance. The loss on either side was trilling.
Treaty between Russia, France, and England, with Greece and Bavaria. The following articles contain the substance of this paper:
"Art. 3. The Prince Otho of Bavaria shall bear the title of King of Greece.—1. Greece shall form a monarchical and independent state. —S. Its limits shall be settled by treaty with Turkey.—8. The royal crown and dignity shall be hereditary in Greece; and shall pass to the direct and lawful descendants and heirs of the Prince Otho, in the order of primogeniture. Iu the event of the decease of the Prince without direct and lawful issue, the crown of Greece shall pass to his younger brother, and to his direct and lawful descendants and heirs, in the order of primogeniture. Falling him also, to his younger brother, and so on. Greece shall never be governed by the King of Bavaria.—9. Otho to be of age in June 1635.—10. Three Bavarian counsellors to govern during his minority, appointed by the King of Bavaria as his son's regency.—11. Prince Otho shall retain full possession of his appanages in Bavaria. The King of Bavaria moreover engages to assist, as far as may be in his power, Prince Otho In his position in Greece, until a revenue shall have been set apart for the crown in that state.—12. The powers guarantee a loan to Otbo. The principal of the loan not to exceed a total amount of GO,01)0,000 of francs, raised by Instalments of 50,000,000 of francs each. For the present the first inslalmentonly shallberaised,and the three courts shall each become responsible for the payment of one-third of the annual amount of the interest and sinking fund of the said instalment.
—13. In case a pecuniary compensation In favour of the Ottoman Porte shall result from the negotiations which the three courts have already opened at Constantinople for the definitive settlement of the limits of Greece, it is understood that the amount of such compensation shall be defrayed out of the proceeds of the loan.—14. The King of Bavaria shall lend his assistance to the Prince Otho in raising iu Bavaria a body of troops, not exceeding 3,500 men, to be employed In his service, as King of Greece, which corps shall be armed, equippeil, and paid by the Greek state, and he sent thither as soon as possible, in order to relieve the troops of the alliance hitherto stationed in Greece.—15. Bavarian officers shall orgnnise a national army in Greece. As soon as possible after the signature of the present convention, the three counsellors who are to be associated with his Royal Highness the Prince Otho by his Majesty the King of Bavaria, iu order to compose the regency of Greece, shall repair to Greece, shall enter upon the exercise of the functions of the said regency, and shall prepare all the measures necessary for the reception of the Sovereign, who, on his part, will repair to Greece with as little delay as possible.
On the 21st of July a Protocol wag signed at Constantinople, by which the Porte gives its formal assent to the extension of the Greek frontier, as required by the Loudon Conference, viz. from the Gulf of Arta to that of Vola, and again recognises the independence of the Greek state. On the same day a second Protocol was drawn up, by which the Porte is assured of an indemnity in money from Greece for the cession of different tracts of territory. The three contracting Powers guarantee this indemnity. It amounts to forty millions of piastres, if it shall be thought necessary at London, for the security of Greece, to give to the frontier the above-mentioned extension; but the Porte is to receive only ten millions if it should be preferred to have the frontier line below Zeitouny, and end at Arta. At all events, the matter is now settled. The Porte would have assented long ago to the extension of the Greek frontier, and the conclusion of the arrangement has been delayed only by the discussions on the amount of the indemnity.
The Egyptian army, under Ibrahim Pasha, has advanced from Acre to Damascus, which it has captured, and bids fair to subdue all Syria. The Egyptian Pasha has also a well-equipped fleet. The Sultan is using every effort to send a formidable force by land and sea against the revolted Pasha; hut the success of these armaments is doubtful.
Mirabeau's Letters during his Residence in England; with Anecdotes, Maxims,&c. now first translated from the Original Manuscripts. To which is prefixed, an Introductory Notice on the Life, Writings, Conduct, and Character of the Author. 2 vols.
Mirabeau was undoubtedly "one of the most extraordinary men of modern times j" yet will bis name appear among the most insignificant that history rescues from oblivion. Why is this i His talents were of the highest order—no man had a nobler sphere for their exertion—by no man could they have been more actively employed and avowedly in promoting objocLs infinitely important to the happiness of mankind. Moral causes will explain the phenomenon. Mirabeau had neither private virtue nor political consistency. The moment he became celebrated he was infamous. The notoriety of the demagogue threw diaastrous lustre upon the vices of the man, and these vices agaiu were sustained by his public profligacy. The Editor of the present work tells us, that "In the year 1790, Mirabeau was bought over by the Royal Party ;*' and he adds, "Principle—if Mirabeau had any principle—might have something to do with it} ambition more; avarice, or a thirst of gain, so far as it might contribute to his luxurious and expensive enjoyments, most of all." The following passages afford some insight into the character of this remarkable man, and show how just an estimate is now entertained of his claims upon the admiration of posterity.
*' Mirabeau having proposed the adoption of tome very strong measure, which to him appeared necessary, La Fayette started and exclaimed, 'Nay, M. Mirabeau, it is impossible that a man of honour can have recourse to such means.'— * A man of honour !' replied M. Mirabeau; * ah'. M. l>e La Fayette, I perceive that you would be a QranUison Cromwell;—you'll see where such a mixture will lead you.* **
44 On a similar occasion La Fayette complal ned bitterly of the atrocious designs upon him, which were formed by his enemies, and even by Mirabeau himself. Mirabeau called upon him to explain what he meant. 'Well, then.* said La Fayette, ' I will tell you, since you force me to it, that I was thoroughly acquainted with your intentions of having me assassinated.' * I, Sir •' 'Yes, sir, in such a place, on such a day, at such an hour; I am sure of It.'—* You were sure of it, M. De La Fayette, and I am still alive I What a good creature you are I—and you think of taking the leading part in a revolution !'"
*' Mirabeau had little delicacy in money transactions. Klvarol once remarked—* 3c suit vendre^ mats nonpaye,* Mirabeau's reply was—*Je avis pfn/t', nuiis nun vendre.' On one occasion he said —* A man like me might accept a hundred thousand crowns, but a man like mc is not to be had for a hundred thousand crowns."
This was said when he was at the acme of his popularity, and success had greatly magnified but self-importance. At the period when these
letters commence he was glad to borrow half-acrown, and thought himself amply provided for with fifty louis-d'ors per month, though in return he laboured sixteen hours out of the twentyfour. This, however, was honourable employment, and the reward was earned without the sacrifice of principle.
The work before us, we regret to say, contains no confidential communications,—It conveys no sentiments,—details no Incidents illustrative of the personal character of the writer. The anther Is sufficiently visible, but we see little of the man. Nine-tenths of what he has written he has picked up wherever he could find it; and there are few instances where he gives us any Idea of bis own impressions. He founds his opinions—which are always characteristic—on information derived from others, and though he is often acute, profound, and hypothetical, the justness of his thoughts depends almost entirely upon knowledge sometimes accurate and sometimes caricatured, which he has obtained from the relations of bis English acquaintances. The portions of the work that are original are Interesting; but of course everything is on the surface; and his account of English parties, political, social, and religious, often excites a smile at his expense. He is liable to the censure so often passed upon his countrymen, and which is well expressed by an English lady on the production of one of his literary friends—** You have only seen England," she says, "running and galloping along, as dogs, while lapping up the water of the Nile."
A prevalent error which pervades the whole work, and which we believe commonly prevails In France, Is, that the national character of the English is melancholy ; this the writer attributes partly to the climate of the country, and partly to the food of the Inhabitants. This he says is the principal cause of our political revolutions, of the sombre character of our piety, and the Individual suicides which are so frequent amongst us as to distinguish us from our more volatile neighbours,—a vulgar assumption, contradicted by the evidence of facts; for where are instances of suicides so numerous ns In France? In general, however, M. Mirabeau writes In a philosophical spirit, and is as free from prejudice as most foreigners who have undertaken to describe our institutions and to delineate onr manners. Of religion he knew absolutely nothing; and he seems to have been little acquainted with the latent and powerful causes which operated to produce our political revolutions. Of Cromwell he uniformly speaks in terms of contempt, which proves how little qualified he was to form a just estimate of the character of that extraordinary man; and of the principles which led to the temporary destruction of the monarchy. Mirabeau, though generally favourable to liberty, was an aristocrat in his heart. He praises the British Constitution, but would retain It with all its abuses, and dreads any reform in the popular branch of the legislature. On this subjecthefeelsnlmustas sensitively - as some of our modern conservatives. He considers the nobility as the guardians of the throne,