two months have elapsed since Capt. Ju<< vien, late commander of a French frigate,

was allowed to go to France, on his pa"role, as the bearer of a special proposition to the Minister of Marine, relative to a general cartel for the exchange of prisoners: that, since the time of his departure, no answer has been received; that, not a single British prisoner has been suffered to return to England, and only fifteen British subjects have been allow. "ed to return, though not less than four

hundred French sailors have been sent "back since the commencement of hosti

lities."The Yeomanry Corps of the City of Dublin were reviewed on the 9th instant, in Phoenix Park, by Lord Cathcart, who expressed high satisfaction at their appearance and conduct.--The Cinque-port Volunteers have been placed on duty for three weeks, from the 19th instant. Mr. Pitt, who informed them of his Majesty's pleasure in that respect, told them, that during that period they were to be placed completely under military law.

Gen.

Dundas has been on board the Immortalité figate, during a cruize of Boulogne, to examine the appearance of the military preparations on that part of the French coast.

The Adjutant-General of his Majesty's Forces has sent an order to the different Generals commanding districts, informing them, that it is the Commander in Chief's pleasure that they should direct the Officers commanding the Regular and Militia Regiments within their districts, immediately to deliver the whole of the spare arms in possession of their regiments, into the nearest Ordnance Depôt.-Orders were issued at Chatham barracks on the 19th instant, for the brigade of Guards to march in there on the 21st, for the West Middlesex Militia to march on the 22d to Ospringe barracks; the Warwick Militia to Rochester, Chatham, and Stroud on the 21st, and the Derby Militia to Canterbury on the 21st and 224.

NAVAL. The naval preparations of the Batavian Republic are nearly completed, and will, in the course of a short time, be sufficient to transport forty thousand men to the shores of Great Britain. A squadron of large ships is assembling in the Texel; fifty flat-bottomed boats are ready at Rotterdam, where a frigate has just been launched, and where there are nine gunschooners on the stocks, nearly ready for launching; considerable numbers of flatbottomed and gun-boats are also ready at Amsterdam, and at the Hague.

(To be continued in the next sheet.)

SUMMARY OF POLITICS.

KING'S SPEECH.-The love and veneration which I entertain for the gracious Sovereign, to whom, since I first drew my breath, I have been indebted for that liberty and security, that civil and political happiness, which are enjoyed by his subjects, and by his subjects only, would effectually prevent me from making those remarks, which I am now about to make, upon the speech from the throne, were it not an established maxim, founded in fact as well as on the principles of the monarchy, that the speech coutains the words of the Minister, and not of his Majesty. The King speaks in his prociamations; yet these are always attributed to the Ministers. In truth, the speech from the throne can be regarded in no other light than a ministerial measure: it is composed by the ministers, it is laid before the cabinet, where it is read, discussed, and agreed on, by a majority of voices, in the same way that every other measure is, previously to its being submitted to the King, who, in this, as in all other cases, can do no wrong, and who, as long as his ministers remain in power, must ever be supposed to be guided by their counsel; because on them alone the responsibil ty must fali.-Viewing the speech in this light, I shall proceed to offer thereon such observations as appear to me best calculated for conveying, to my readers, whatever information I may possess on the topics before them.- FIRST: as to the "voluntary exertions" of all ranks of people, if it be not meant to boast of the reliance to be placed on volunteer corps, there can be no objection to the remark; for, most assuredly, there never were a people more ready to make exertions and sacrifices, than the people of this country have been, and yet are. All other considerations are lost in the general disposition" to maintain the honour and safety of the kingdom. This is most true: the people are ready to give their heart's blood; but, that their zeal and efforts have been duly seconded by the ministers, there is not one man in a thousand who will not deny. Measures necessary for the defence of the kingdom have not been adopted, nor has there taken place any che circumstance, which can authorize the assertion, that we are, or have been, engaged in a "vigorous prosecution of the war."SECONDLY: that an impression has been made on the "foreign possessions of the ene

my" is true, if the taking of colonies which the said enemy threw away, as of no consequence in the contest, be worthy of being termed making impression. Colonies

are not less valuable, in themselves, because acquired without exertion; but, as objects of national concern, as subjects of a speech from the throne, as circumstances of a war, and as exhibiting traits of national character, they certainly are; and, in this respect, all the colonies enumerated in the speech, are in value infinitely inferior to the rocks of St. Marcou. Nevertheless, the colonies, which we have taken possession of, are of rast importance, especially Demerara and Essequibo. Their produce will materially assist in feeding the exchequer, in preventing, for a while, the monstrous increase of internal taxes, the consequent increase of bank-notes, the rapid depreciation of money, and the total disappearance of gold and silver. But, the present ministers ought, if they have not abandoned ali notions of consistency, all political principle, all decency, studiously to refrain from setting a very high vaue upon colonies, which they, only about a year ago, surrendered even without a nommal equivalent, and the possession of which they not only declared to be useless, but injurious to Great-Britain generally, and particularly as relating to her consequence and security in Europe.* No mention is, indeed, made of the fearful black Em"pire," in Saint Domingo, in order to destroy which a French facet and army were suffered to go from Europe, during the negotiations for peace; and, in order to revive and re-establish which there is now employed a considerable portion of that maritime force, which might otherwise be employed in protecting our own coast, or in annoying that of the enemy; but, if the present ministers should be suffered to retain their power a few months longer, we may expect to see

another Toussaint acknowledged as Sovereign of the island; and to hear of another treaty, made for the purpose of having another opportunity of stamping perfidy on the character of England.-THIRDLY: with regard to the state of Ireland, the speech, though expressive only of a hope, is certainly far too sanguine any notion, with respect to that unhappy country, short of imminent and constant danger will prove false and destructive. The flattering descriptions drawn by the ministerial members, and by ministers themselves; not only during the last session of parliament, but ever since the signing of the preliminaries of peace, having proved so wretchedly delusive, it is to be hoped, that such devices will not, either at present or hereafter, be attended with similar success; it is to be hoped, that, when people recollect the boasts, which were made respecting the tranquillity of Ireland, at the very moment when a new rebellion was upon the point of breaking out; when the following expressions of Mr. Addington are remembered: "I know, Sir, there have "been periods, when there were persons in "the country, who would have overturned "its most excellent constitution; but, thank "God, these times are past; and I do be"lieve, that, through the whole of this "united kingdom, there never was a mi

nute, when the people were more satisfied "with their government, or more unani"mous in their determination to support "and defend it; and, it is with some de

hand, in defence of their king and coun"try, and, if necessary, to die in that cause. "I know, Sir, it was necessary, for the se"curity of the kingdom, to continue, for "some time, the suspension of the Habeas

Corpus act, and some others; but I know, "that, to the peace we owe the restoration of those valuable bulwarks of the constitu"tion, and they are not amongst the least of "its blessings." When these expressions are remembered, and when it is also remembered, that they were made use of, in the House of Commons, by the Prime Minister, and that too on the 18th of July last, just five days before there broke out a rebellion, of a nature and extent, to induce this same minister to call on Parliament, not only for a suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, but

also, for an authority, to exercise martial law upon the whole people of Ireland; when these things are remembered, weak and credulous indeed must be the Parliament and the nation, if they now repose any confidence in the mere hopes, which, on the present occasion, have been expressed by this minister and his colleagues. Since the measures here adverted to were adopted, it has, indeed, been frequently asserted, by the partizans of the ministry, that the rebellion in Ireland was, at bottom, but a very trifling occurrence. On the state trials, the AttorneyGeneral, Mr. Marsden's friend and creature, has called it, a "contemptible riot ;" and, in a pamphlet, written by Mr. Marsden himself, the whole is turned almost into ridicule; thus: "We found that Lord Kilwarden had "been taken by accident, and murdered with out pre design-that the total number of "lives lost on all sides hardly exceeded

twenty-that the nineteen counties, in despight of a few agitators, were obstinately tranquil —that the rebels had never even approached the castle- and that government had taken every measure of mild precaution and dignified resolution with "which it was provided. The nervous fit

was now over-general loyalty-universal "confidence-energetic unanimity of all ranks and classes, became a most proud "and satisfactory pledge, that the fears of "the past had been vain, and the prospects "of the future were security and strength. "Thousands of yeomen, teus of thousands "of loyalists started up in a moment, and "the success of this contemptible riot now "appeared to have been, as it really was,

physically impossible."-These words are taken from a pamphlet, which is, entiled, "the Opinion of an Impartial Observer, con"cerning the late Transactions in Ireland," and which has just been published in Dublin, for the purpose of being circulated by the government there, by way of answer to the charges preferred in the Register.-Now, as to the point in question, if this statement be true; if that which was called the rebellion in Ireland, was, in reality, nothing more than “a contemptible riot," how is the conduct of his Majesty's Ministers, and, indeed, of the Parliament, to be justified? The former, for demanding an Habeas Corpus Suspension Bill, and also a Martial-Law Bill, both to be run through three readings and passed, in one night; and, the latter, for yielding to that demand? Where, if this statement be true, where shall we look for their justification? This is the dilemma, to which the two administrations have reduced themselves: either he affair in Dublin was a "contemptible iot," or it was not; if the latter, the Irish

administration are circulating a falsehood; if the former, the ministry here have procured a martial-law bill to be passed, with respect to Ireland, on an occasion where even the riot act would scarcely have been read in Great-Britain; and where, most assuredly, not a single soldier would have been suffered to come out to the assistance of the civil magistrate! Do not these things call for an inquiry? The fact is, that it is, in the administration of the government of Ireland, that we ought to look, for the cause of those terrible dangers, with which the monarchy is threatened from that quarter; and, of whatever party men may be, if they have common discernment, they must be convinced, that, in this respect, the sentiments of Mr. Fox are perfectly correct; and that, without a radical change in the department alluded to, Ireland never will again be restored to a state of tranquillity. Commer cial arrangements, military execution, legis lative union, and, finally, the nauseous Addingtonian "mixture of conciliation and "firmness," have been alternately tried, and have all proved equally inefficacious; Ireland, instead of being a powerful support, is a mill-stone round the neck, of Great-Britain; and a mill-stone 100, that will, if measures of prevention are not speedily adopted, sink her to a depth, from which she will never emerge.-FOURTHLY: the "progressive "improvement of the revenue," if one could forget the fallacious statements of the minis ter, would be some little source of consolation, especially when one recollected, that this progression goes on again in war. But, that the system of war-taxes is to be persevered in, no man that knows any thing of the effects of taxation, can, under the present circumstances, possibly regard as matter of congratulation; "especially when he reflects, that there are now about fifteen hundred armed clubs, or committees, who have a deliberative faculty, who are admirably calculated for affiliation, and who will most assuredly deliberate on matters of peace as matters of war. The last peace was made professedly, because the war no longer hid an object, except that of reducing the power of France, the certainty of succeeding in which, the ministers declared, not to be worth the expense of one more campaign *. When, therefore, the present war, expensive, harrassing, and distressing as it has been

"To those who wished to continue the war "for the purpose of reducing the power of France, I wish to state, that another campaign could "not have been made at less expense than forty "millions. Even certain success would not have "been worth such a price."-M Addington's Speech, Nov. 3, 1801.

rendered by the incapacity of the ministers, shall have lasted a year longer, who will say, that the people will not ask for an object? And who will pledge his life, that the armed clubs will not back the popular voice in demanding a peace? Certainly, the people will make any sacrifice, "under a conviction of "the indispensable importance of uphold

ing the dignity, and providing effectually "for the safety of the empire;" but, this conviction must be produced and kept alive in their minds. Mere words will not satisfy them. They must see, that, in return for their sacrifices, the government makes some real impress on some where or other. They must, in short, see something done, which is likely, in the end, to afford them permanent and uninterrupted security; and, that very little of this sort of encouragement can possibly be drawn from the present plans and measures, or from the character of the men, by whom those plans and measures are devised, will be readily allowed by every one at all acquainted with the matter.-FIFTHLY: the convention with Sweden is said, to nphold our maritime rights," and to be founded" on those principles of reciprocal advantage, which are best calculated to "maintain and improve the good understanding, which happily subsists between "the two countries." The remaining part of this statement is vague: it may mean any thing, or it may mean nothing; but, the former part is explicit, and, as to meaning, conclusive. It asserts, that this convention, which professes to be explanatory of the eleventh article of the treaty of 1601,

"

bolds our maritime rights." In the preceding sheet, p. 723 to 727, the stipulations of this convention were contrasted with those, relative to the same points, of our treaty of 1794 with the United States of America; and, this contrast did, I presume, clearly discover, in the former, a very great and dangerous departure from that ancient, that still existing, and acknowledg ed law of nations, on which the stipulations of the treaty with America were founded: begging leave, therefore, to refer the reader to the observations I then made, I shall, in this place, content myself with adding, that we have, in the present convention, abandoned, instead of upheld, our maritime rights; and that we have therein established a precedent for concessions, which, without making any allowance for encroachments on the precedent itself, will, unless prevented by a timely application of wise and resolute measures, completely destroy the foundation of our maritime greatness. I am aware, that this will be called assertion without proof; but, as to the point of abandonment

of our rights, I have already given some proof; and, as to the consequences, which will result therefrom, the description of them is reserved 'till I come to discuss the question relative to the pending negotiation with America, to the success of which important negotiation I will, however, even now, venture to say, that this convention with Sweden will prove one of the most formidable obstacles. SIXTHLY: the ministers, in order to give us a description of the object of the quar, have prevailed upon his Majesty to utter the very sentiments, and almost the words, of one of the daily newspapers, in which the public were, a few days before the the speech was delivered, informed. that the true and legitimate" object of the war was, "to bring the threat of invasion ❝ to a final issue, to prove our contempt of "the menace of invasion, and to prove that "the attempt of invasion must end in the "destruction of the invaders." Upon this principle exactly the speech proceeds, and points out, as the only object in view, or in hope, the saving of ourselves from subjuga tion : not only the glory of surmounting "present difficulties, and of repelling im "mediate danger, but the solid and perma "nent advantage of fixing the safety and "independence of the kingdom, on the ba "sis of acknowledged strength, the result "of its own tried and energetic resources." What! Is this, then, the object of this mighty, this monstrously expensive, this harrassing, this tormenting war? Is it for this, that we are to have half a million of men in arms? When did Englishmen ever before hear language like this? More than a hundred times has this their beloved King addressed himself to them in parliament, and when did he before make the glory of himself and his faithful people, to consist in surmounting present difficulties and repelling immediate danger? When, at what former disgraceful period of our history, was it regarded as an advantage to convince the world that we were able to preserve our in. dependence; to prevent our enemy from making us his vassals, or carrying us into bondage? At what time were the safety. and independence of this kingdom not fixed. upon the basis of acknowledged strength? When was it, before now, suspected. that its strength was not sufficient to its defence? If we are at war for the sole purpose of existing out of chains a few months, or a few years, longer, miserable, indeed, is the object; and that the time cannot be very long, that our years are numbered, must be evident to every one, who, with this declaration of our object before him, recollects, that the enemy has it entirely at his own choice,