whelmed beneath the surface, to be known no more except as they might leave their record there. Then, again, in the second period, science might have gone the same round, and fallen into the same infidelity. And, indeed, from her own stand-point alone, how could she do otherwise? The circular movement cannot speak of that which is to end it. And so it has been through the epochs.

According to its own records, the coming up of the creation out of the past eternity has been as the march of an army that should move on by separate stages with recruits of new races and orders at the opening of each encampment. During those long days of God there was scope for science, and for a new one in each. In each, science could pitch the tent, and forage, and perfect the arrangement for the encampment; but she could not tell when the tents were to be struck, or where the army would march next. And so the movement has been onward till our epoch has come, and we have been called in as recruits. And now again science is busy with her fixed arrangements and recurring movements; but knows just as little as before of the rectilinear movement-of the direction and termination of this mighty march. It is within this movement, and not in the sphere of science, that our great interest lies. Belonging to arrangements and movements in this world, science can do much for us in this world, but she cannot regenerate the world, she cannot secure the interests which lie only in the rectilinear line of movement, and which are "the one thing needful." Of that movement we can know nothing except through faith. Through that we may know. We believe there is one who has marshalled the hosts of this moving army, and who has the ordering of them, and that he has told us so much of this onward movement as we need to know; and here it is that we find that sphere of faith which we say is distinct from science, but not opposed to it.

ON RECOGNISING THE INDEPENDENCE OF GREECE. H. CLAY.

ARE we so low, so base, so despicable, that we may not express our horror, articulate our detestation of the most brutal and ferocious war that ever stained earth or shocked high Heaven with the atrocious deeds of a brutal soldiery, set on by the clergy and followers of a fanatical and inimical religion, rioting in excess of blood and butchery, at the mere details of which the heart sickens? If the great mass of Christendom can look coolly and calmly on while all this is perpetrated on a Christian people in their own vicinity, in their very presence, let us at least show that in this distant extremity there is still some sensibility and sympathy for Christian wrongs and sufferings-that there are still feelings which can kindle into indignation at the oppression of a people endeared to us by every ancient recollection and every modern tie. But, sir, it is not first and chiefly for Greece that I wish to see this measure adopted. It will give them but little aid—that aid purely of a moral kind. It is, indeed, soothing and solacing in distress to hear the accents of a friendly voice. We know this as a people. But, sir, it is principally and mainly for America herself, for the credit and character of our common country, that I hope to see this resolution pass; it is for our own unsullied name that I feel.

What appearance, sir, on the page of history would a record like this make?" In the month of January, in the year of our Lord and Saviour 1824, while all European Christendom beheld with cold, unfeeling apathy the unexampled wrongs and inexpressible misery of Christian Greece, a proposition was made in the Congress of the United States-almost the sole, the last, the greatest repository of human hope and of human freedom; the representatives of a nation capable of bringing into the field a million of bayonets-while the freemen of that nation were spontaneously expressing its deep-toned feeling, its fervent prayer for Grecian success; while the whole continent was rising, by one simultaneous motion, solemnly and anxiously

supplicating and invoking the aid of Heaven to spare Greece and to invigorate her arms; while temples and senate houses were all resounding with one burst of generous sympathy; in the year of our Lord and Saviour-that Saviour alike of Christian Greece and of us—a proposition was offered in the American Congress to send a messenger to Greece to inquire into her state and condition, with an expression of our good wishes and our sympathies, and it was rejected!" Go home, if you dare-go home, if you can-to your constituents, and tell them that you voted it down. Meet, if you dare, the appalling countenances of those who sent you here, and tell them that you shrank from the declaration of your own sentiments; that you cannot tell how, but that some unknown dread, some indescribable apprehension, some indefinable danger affrighted you; that the spectres of cimeters, and crowns, and crescents gleamed before you and alarmed you; and that you suppressed all the noble feelings prompted by religion, by liberty, by national independence, and by humanity. I cannot bring myself to believe that such will be the feeling of a majority of this House.

COMMON THINGS IMPORTANT.—R. C. WINTHROP.

SCHOLARS must condescend to deal with common thoughts, with common words, with common topics;-or rather, they must learn to consider nothing as common or unclean which may contribute to the welfare of man, the safety of the republic, or the glory of God. It is theirs by their efforts in the pulpit or at the bar, in the lecture-room, or the legislative hall, at the meetings of select societies, or at the grander gatherings of popular masses, in the columns of daily papers, in the pages of periodical reviews or magazines, or through the scattered leaves of the occasional tract or pamphlet, to keep a strong, steady current of sound, rational, enlightened sentiment always in circulation through the community. Let them remember that false doctrines will not wait to be corrected by ponderous

folios or cumbrous quartos. The thin pamphlet, the meagre tract, the occasional address, the weekly sermon, the daily leader, these are the great instruments of shaping and moulding the destinies of our country. In them the scholarship of the country must manifest itself. In them the patriotism of the country must exhibit itself. In them the morality and religion of the country must assert itself. "The word in season," that word of which Solomon understood the beauty and the value, when he likened it to apples of gold in pictures of silver, it is that which is to arrest error, rebuke falsehood, confirm faith, kindle patriotism, commend morality and religion, purify public opinion, and preserve the state.

INDEPENDENCE MONUMENT.-KENNETH RAYNER.

[On the bill to "aid in the erection of a monument commemorative of the declaration of American independence,' " in the Senate of North Carolina, January 20, 1855.]

THE erection of this monument in Independence Square will strengthen and confirm in the minds of our people the consecration of a spot already hallowed in the hearts and affections of every lover of liberty in this land. Every one of those moral and intellectual giants, who there presided over our nation's birth, is gone to the spirit land. But their names and their memories live, and as time rolls on, the mythic legends of a distant future will associate their self-sacrificing achievements, their intellectual efforts, and their crowning triumph, with the idea of inspiration and of aid from on high. The golden fruits of that bountiful harvest, the seeds of which were sown by their hands, we are now reaping. The extension of our country's limits; the rapid progress of our civilization, our freedom, our religion, and our laws; the triumphs of our arms; the advancement of our commerce; our wonderful improvements in literature, in arts, and in industrial enterprise; in fact, the teeming wealth, and luxury, and comfort of our boundless

resources, and the numberless blessings with which kind Heaven has favored us,--for the germ and development of all these revolutionary benefactors, who appealed to Heaven for the rectitude of their intentions, uttered the declaration, "Let this nation be free," and lo! it was free. Sir, can we, their posterity, feel gratitude warm enough to requite the boon they bequeathed us? Can we speak in language glowing enough to duly sound their praise? Can we build monuments high enough to tell the story of their deeds?

But what we can do, let us do. Let us, in conjunction with our sister states of the Old Thirteen,-whose classic soil was bedewed with the blood of the martyrs of freedom, and in whose soil now rest their hallowed remains, let us erect this monument on the site of our political Bethlehem, from whence were first heralded the glad tidings of our national salvation, from whence first went forth the warning to tyrants, and the assurance to the oppressed of the nations, that liberty was man's right, and to assert it was his duty. There let it stand till time shall be no more. In its massive strength, let it be emblematic of the hardy vigor and unterrified determination of those whose names may be inscribed on its shaft. Let its peerless beauty reflect the purity of their motives and the devotion of their hearts. Let its heavenward-pointed summit represent the lofty aspirations of their souls, and suggest to the beholder the place of their reward and final rest.

LIBERTY THE MEED OF INTELLIGENCE.-Calhoun.

SOCIETY can no more exist without government, in one form or another, than man without society. It is the political, then, which includes the social, that is his natural state. It is the one for which his Creator formed him, into which he is impelled irresistibly, and in which only his race can exist, and all his faculties be fully developed. Such being the case, it follows that any, the worst form of government, is better than anarchy, and that individual liberty or freedom must be subordinate to