The native princes should moreover at once be set free from the trammels under which they now labour. The incubus of the Resident's authority, where the prince is under no disability, should be removed; the supreme authority of the British Crown as paramount should only be exercised protectively, during infancy or other incapacity of the sovereign, much within the limits of the jurisdiction of the Court of Chancery with us in the like cases as respects private life. What mischief is often done by Residents,-how they gall and crush the native princes, can hardly be said in too vivid terms. Lord Hastings's portrait of them in 1814 is true yet to the life.

"Instead of acting in the character of ambassador, he" (the Resident) assumes the functions of a dictator; interferes in all their private concerns; countenances refractory subjects against them; and makes the most ostentatious exhibition of this exercise of authority. To secure to himself the support of our Government, he urges some interest which, under the colour thrown upon it by

—a somewhat wider idea, it will be perceived, than my own,—was very strongly urged by the "Indian News," in the spring of 1857. It enumerated as follows (April 2, 1857) the cases in which, during the (then) last ten years, the suffering party had, in person or by attorney, pleaded fruitlessly to the Home authorities:

"1. The Emperor of Delhi.-2. The deposed Raja of Sattara.3. The Ameers of Scinde.-4. Lalla Jotee Persâd.-5. In the Ahmednugger case, the Raja of Marwar.-6. The Parsee Merchants in the Hyderabad case.-7. The Carnatic Stipendiaries.-8. The Arcot case. -9. The Nawab of Surat's case.-10. Mirza Ali Akbar's case.11. Bajee Rao, Ex-Peshwa's case.-12. The Nagpore case.-13. That of Gholam Mohamed, son of Tippoo Sultan.-14. That of Lukshmee Begum of Jhansee.-15. His Highness Ali Morad Khan of Scinde.-16. The Nawab of Rampore's case.-17. The Oude Dynasty case.-18. The case of the Raja of Coorg,"

him, is strenuously taken up by our Council; and the Government identifies itself with the Resident, not only on the single point, but on the whole tenor of his conduct."*

In Mr. Mead's work will be found instances of the galling tyranny of these officials at the present day. † The Travancore Resident actually prevented the sovereign from dismissing a minister guilty of the most horrible misgovernment. As a rule, these unfortunate princes are prevented from corresponding with England; at least, the intimation by the Resident that they "had better not" is far too weighty for them to dare neglect it; and no one who has not experience of the process can conceive of the shrinking timidity with which information is communicated from the neighbourhood of a British political. The feelings of chiefs and Durbars towards our politicals and their underlings, are well described by one on the spot, as those of "terror."+

* Private Journal, vol. i. pp. 47-8. Sepoy Revolt, p. 203 and foll.

Although I do not profess to deal with the Indian question as a whole, the following suggestions, which I find in a letter written from a gentleman residing in India, of great experience with the native character, dated 25th August, 1857, are well worthy of attention :

"If I were asked what ought to be done, I should say-First and foremost sell land in fee-simple. Have twenty fortified camps with five thousand European troops in each, infantry, cavalry, and artilleay. Let the rest of the army be made up of irregulars, -Rajpoots of Jodhpore, Jeypore, and Oodeypore (and not Poorbeas of the Doab)-Sikhs and Goorkas of course-Mahrattas and Telingas. Destroy all the old treaties with the existing chiefs who have remained faithful to us. Offer new ones on more liberal and equal terms Give them liberty of action. Let them rule their territories as independent princes. Interfere not with the ancient practice of adoption... Prohibit the Residents and political

...

Together with the enfranchisement of the native princes from their bondage to English Residents,— with the conferring of territory upon all faithful allies and dependents, should come, for those who have most distinguished themselves,-those honorific distinctions which the Oriental so dearly appreciates. I for one cannot see why Sultan Abdul Medjid should be a Knight of the Garter, and not such tried friends as the Raja of Putteeala, Holkar or Scindia; nor why Sir Jung Bahadoor should stand alone as Military G.C.B., and the equivalent civil dignity should not be conferred on Salar Jung of Hyderabad, Dinkur Rao of Gwalior, and Ramchunder Rao of Indore. Care however must be taken to confer no British dignity on a minister without the fullest approval of his sovereign, lest he should come to be looked upon rather as the servant of the British Crown than of his own master.

Recognition and definition of the law of adoption, escheat, &c.,-establishment of a tribunal to try legal questions between Indian princes and the British government, their enfranchisement from the control of our politicals, enlargement of territory and honorific

agents from interfering in their internal affairs, or employing confidential Maulavies and Moonshees, Jamadars, and so forth, as gobetweens, or negociators in any way. They are a nuisance, and an abomination to the Durbars. Let all intercourse be carried on in writing. Small notes would answer quite well enough. . . . Sweep away your contingents. Remodel the Civil Service, or abolish it. Coax a couple hundred thousand families from the middle classes, and yeomanry, and trade, and professions to come and settle... You need not fear insurrection or rebellion again. Railways, canals, and roads would then of themselves start up as if by magic."

distinctions to our allies and friends,-such, I believe, would be the measures to confirm the allegiance of the native princes of India for the future, to make them feel themselves integral members of our political system. But there remains still the past to be accounted for. Many a smart must rankle yet in the heart of our allies which ought on every account to be soothed. Let me give one or two samples of such.

LETTER XIV.

HOW SOME OF OUR ALLIES HAVE BEEN LATELY TREATED.*

THE little state of Dhar, in Malwa, is situate close to Indore, Holkar's capital, and is included in the jurisdiction of the Indore agency. At the time of the mutinies it was ruled over by a woman and a child,— a boy of 13, the adopted son of the late Raja (whose adoption had just been sanctioned when the outbreak about to be mentioned took place), and the widow of the latter. Its army consisted of 800 men, of whom between 500 or 600 were Mussulman Patans. From the moment of the outbreak (October 1857) the Dhar authorities shewed themselves strictly faithful; protected the post, protected the electric telegraph, kept the roads safe, forwarded elephants, guns, men at the

*The documents as to Dhar and Indore from which this letter is written are entirely supplied by Mr. J. Dickinson, jun.

bidding of the British authorities, a detachment of 50 sepoys with two guns, for instance, being sent for the protection of the British agent at Bhopawar. As illluck would have it, nevertheless, the British agent at Bhopawar sent a fakeer from Amjheera to be confined at Dhar. On his arrival the Patans rose and rescued him to the cry of "deen" (faith), and seized the fort of Dhar, the authorities having just time to place in safety the ammunition and military stores that were in and near the town.

From the day that this blow was struck, constant applications for assistance were forwarded to the British authorities. Assistance however did not come; the troops meanwhile using every means to induce the Ranee and the boy-king to place themselves in their power,-increasing in importunity, and growing bolder in the outrages which they committed upon the townsfolk, in proportion as succour was more delayed. At last the Ranee saw herself compelled to enter into an agreement with them, stipulating the pardon of the fakeer, pay, enforcement of claims, &c., &c., in short, such terms as a mutinous soldiery will exact; but she instantly sent a copy to the British agent at Bhopawnr, stating the circumstances under which it was entered into. The soldiery marched away, marched back again, turned the guns of the fort upon the town, threatening to sack it; intelligence of their movements being still communicated, assistance again implored. At last it came, palankeens and cavalry being sent to bring on the British officers, hourly intelligence being forwarded while the relieving party was on the road. The fort was invested, the Durbar giving lists of the