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thanks to the gods in many hecatombs.' However, as just seen, there were no edicts to this purpose, till after Julian was sole emperor.

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And now he gave orders for the return of the bishops, who had been banished by Constantius, and for restoring their estates, which had been confiscated. Jerom has taken notice of this indulgence, and mentions the names of several catholic bishops, who now returned to their This order, and the edict for opening the temples, according to Socrates, were of the same date, soon after Julian's coming to Constantinople. Ammianus likewise joins these things together; but he supposeth, that the liberty given to the bishops to return home, was not done with any good intention; but with a view of increasing divisions and contentions among them: as Sozomen also expressly says. The Donatists had their share in this indulgence; but it seems not to have been pleasing to Augustine, and some other Catholics. At this time, undoubtedly, Julian openly declared, that they might all worship God in their own way, without molestation from him. As Ammianus says in the place just cited: Ut quisque nullo vetante • religioni suæ serviret intrepidus.'

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Having given orders for restoring all the bishops in general, he wrote a letter to Aëtius, a learned Arian writer, inviting him to come to court. The letter is still extant. 'Julian to the bishop Aëtius. I have restored all others, who were banished by the emperor Constantius, ⚫ upon account of the madness of the Galileans. I not only forgive you, but in regard to our friendship and acquaintance, I desire you to come to me. I allow you the use of a public chariot, and a horseman for your journey.'

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And it is reasonable to believe, that at this time Hellenism was established by some edict, or edicts. Among Julian's letters there is one to Artabius: who he was is not certainly known; nor is the letter entire; but it may be considered as an edict, published at the commencement of Julian's sole empire. By the gods,' says he, I will not have the Galileans put to death, nor beaten unjustly, nor suffer any evil; but I am by all means for preferring the worshippers of the gods before them; for, by the madness of the Galileans, all things were brought to the brink of ruin, and now we are all safe by the goodness of the gods; therefore we ought to 'honour the gods, and those pious men and cities that worship them.'

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That edict sufficiently indicates what treatment the Christians were to expect under his reign. Socrates says, that he ordered that none should have any military offices at court, who would not renounce Christianity, and offer sacrifices to images. Nor would he give the 'government of provinces to Christians, because, as he said, their law forbids the use of the sword for the punishment of such as deserved death. Many he gained by flatteries and by flatteries and presents:

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• others resigned their offices, being willing to part with the honours of this world, rather than deny Christ: among whom were Jovian, Valentinian, and Valens, who afterwards were empe'rors.' Sozomen not only confirms this account, but likewise says, Julian not only deprived the Christians of magistracy, and all honours and dignities, but likewise of equal rights of citi'zenship.' Which may have been true in some instances. But I do not suppose that there were any edicts, depriving all Christians who would not sacrifice to the gods, of the privileges of citizens in the places where they lived.

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However, Libanius says: He beheld with pleasure, and favoured those cities which had preserved the temples of the gods; but other cities, in which they had been all or most of

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them destroyed, he looked upon as abominable; and though he allowed them the privileges of subjects, it was not without some indignation and ill-will.' And Ammianus acknowledgeth, that sometimes when he was hearing causes, he would very unseasonably inquire into the religion of the parties; but he affirms, that Julian never passed an unjust or partial sentence upon account of religion, or any other account whatever.'

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I need not enlarge upon this subject. Some of those who suffered in this reign, and have been called martyrs, may not deserve that title. Socrates says, that Julian avoided the ex'cessive cruelties of Dioclesian's persecution; nevertheless he did not forbear to persecute, for I call that persecution,' says he when men who live peaceably are molested. He molested the Christians in this manner; he forbade that they should partake of human literature; lest, as he said, when they have whet their tongue, they should be more ready in answering the Greek disputants.' Sozomen says, he would not allow the children of the Christians to be instructed in the Greek poets, or orators, nor to frequent the schools of such as explained those writers.' To the like purpose Theodoret. Augustine says, that Julian forbade the Christians both to teach and learn polite literature. Gregory Nazianzen has not failed to take notice of this restraint, and to ridicule Julian for it. Ammianus has twice mentioned it, and always with dislike, as a great hardship. Julian's edict is still extant; if it had not been long I should have alleged it here, but I shall remember it hereafter. Orosius says, that when Julian published his edict, forbidding the Christian professors of rhetoric to teach the liberal arts, they all in general chose rather to resign their chairs than deny the faith: and Jerom, in his Chronicle, assures us, that' when Julian published his law, that no Christian should teach the liberal arts, Proæresius, the Athenian sophist, shut up his school, though the emperor had granted him a special licence to teach. Augustine" records the like steadiness of Victorinus, who had long taught rhetoric with great applause at Rome. But Ecebolius, a Christian sophist at Constantinople, who " had been Julian's master in rhetoric, was overcome by the temptations of the times, and openly professed Hellenism: however, when Julian was dead he recovered himself, and with great humiliations intreated to be reconciled to the church.

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It was his fancy to call the Christians Galileans: it is taken notice of by divers ecclesiastical writers, who have made good remarks upon it: and some of them say, that he ordered by edicts that they should be so called. In this appellation there was no reason nor argument; but it might answer Julian's purpose, to make the Christians appear contemptible in the esteem of weak people.

That was no late thought of Julian: we find him using this style at the beginning of his sole empire, before he left Constantinople. He there offered sacrifices to the genius of that city: after which, as Socrates says, Maris, the Arian bishop of Chalcedon, was brought to him, who was an old man, and had lost his sight. He reproached Julian, calling him impious, apostate,

Et quamquam in disceptando aliquoties erat intempestivus, quid quisque jurgantium coleret, tempore alieno interrogans; tamen nulla ejus definitio litis a vero dissonans reperitur: nec argui unquam potuit, ob religionem, vel quodcumque aliud, ab æquitatis recto tramite deviâsse. Amin. 1. xxii. cap. x. in. b Vide Basnag. ann. 362. num. xi. a Soz. 1. v. cap. 18.

c Socrat. 1. iii. cap. 12. e Theod. 1. iii. cap. 8. An ipse non est Ecclesiam persecutus, qui Christianos liberales literas docere ac discere vetuit? De Civit. Dei. 1. xviii. cap. 52. Greg. Or. 3. p. 51.

Illud autem erat inclemens, obruendum perenni silentio, quod arcebat docere magistros rhetoricos et grammaticos, ritus Christiani cultores. Ammian. I. xxii. cap. x.

Namque et jura condidit non molesta-præter pauca. Inter quæ erat illud inclemens, quod docere vetuit magistros rhetoricos et grammaticos Christianos, ni transissent ad numinum cultum. Id. 1. xxv. cap. 4. p. 463. i Ep. 42. p. 422. * Aperto tamen præcepit edicto, ne quis Christianus docendorum liberalium studiorum professor esset. Sed tamen, sicut a majoribus compertum habemus, omnes ubique propemodum præcepti conditiones amplexati, officium quam fidem deserere maluerunt. Oros. 1. vii. cap. 30.

Proæresius, Sophista Atheniensis, lege latâ, ne Christiani liberalium artium doctores essent, et sibi specialiter Julianus concederet, ut Christianos doceret, scholam sponte deseruit. Chr. p. 185.

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―et illud addidit, [Simplicianus] quod Imperatoris Juliani temporibus lege datâ prohibiti sunt Christiani docere literaturam, et oratoriam: quam legem ille amplexus loquacem scholam deserere maluit, quam verbum tuum, quo linguas infantum facis disertas. Aug. Confess. 1. viii. cap. 5. num. 10. And see in this work, Vol. ii. p. 453.

n Socr. 1. iii. cap. 1. p. 165. A. B.
-επι δε Ιελιανε γορίος Έλλην εφαινετο. κ. λ.
iii. cap. 13. p. 184. D.

P Gr Naz. Or. 3. p. 81. A. B. Theod. l. iii.
Chrys. Or. 2. de S. Bab. T. i. p. 783. A. et alibi.
iii. cap. 12. p. 183. D.

Socr. 1.

cap. 21. Socrat. I.

9 Πολλα τον βασιλέα προσελθων περιύβρισε, τον ασεβή καλων, τον αποφαίην, και αθεον. Ὁ δε λόγοις τας ύβρεις ημείβείο, τυφλον καλεσας. Και εκ αν, φησιν, ὁ Γαλιλαιος σε Θεος θεραπεύσει σε Γαλιλαιον γαρ ειώθει ὁ Ιελιανος καλειν Tov Xpisov, naι тes Xpisiaves [Paλidaies]. Socrat. 1. iii. c. 12. p. 183. D.

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and atheist: who returning reproach for reproach, called Maris blind: nor, says he, is your Galilean God able to cure you. For he was wont to call Christ the Galilean, and the Christians Galileans. Maris replied: I thank God who has made me blind, that I might not see the face of a man who has so fallen into impiety as you have done. To which Julian made no farther Sozomen, who tells the same story, adds: For he thought he should better advance the cause of Hellenism, by shewing himself, beyond expectation, mild and patient toward the • Christians.' And I also think, that the Christians would have acted more agreeably to the doctrine of the gospel, and more for its honour, if they had avoided abusive and indecent reproaches of an emperor.

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It cannot be denied that Julian was a persecutor. Ammianus thought his prohibiting the Christians to have a liberal education a rigorous proceeding. Eutropius also, another heathen, and contemporary, says, that Julian bore hard upon the Christians, though without putting them to death. Socrates, as we have already seen, says he avoided the excessive cruelty of Dioclesian's persecution: and other Christian writers say, that he envied Christians the honour of martyrdom. Jerom, in his Chronicle, gives this character of Julian's persecution, that it was mild and enticing rather than compelling men to sacrifice: but he acknowledgeth, that many were drawn aside. Orosius' speaks to the like purpose. Gregory Nazianzen, near the end of his second invective against Julian, remarking upon his Misopogon, or Satyr against the people of Antioch, expresseth himself after this manner: You boast mightily of your never eating to excess, as a wonderful thing; but say not, how you have oppressed the Christians, ⚫ an innocent and a numerous body of men. Not considering, that whether some particular person is troubled with crudities, or not, is a thing of little consequence to the public: whereas by the persecution which you have raised, the whole Roman empire has been disturbed.'

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No ancient Christian writer, perhaps, has drawn Julian's character to greater advantage than Prudentius, who ascribes to him great fortitude: and not only says, that he was a fine speaker and writer, but also that he made good laws, and was a good emperor: but he was an enemy to the true religion: he was faithful to the interests of the state, but was unfaithful to God, and worshipped innumerable deities, which he shews largely.

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And I would take this opportunity to refer curious and inquisitive readers to several learned moderns, who have made remarks upon Julian's writings, and upon his conduct as an emperor, and are not unfavourable in their judgments concerning him.

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And it has been observed, that there was such a mixture of good and bad qualities in this prince, that it is easy to praise and blame him at the same time, without deviating from the 'truth.' !

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II. It cannot be necessary, that I should take notice of all Julian's works; but there is one which cannot be omitted. For at length, in his great zeal, in the midst of his preparations for the Persian war, and when he was almost ready to set out upon that expedition, he was at the

* Και ο βασιλευς μηδεν αποκρινόμενος παρεδραμεν μελο γαρ ταύτῃ μαλλον Ἑλληνισμον κρατυναι, ανεξικακον και πρᾷον αδοκήτως τω πλήθει των Χρισιανων ἑαυτον επιδεικνυς. Soz. 1. v. cap. 4. p. 599. D.

b I am not singular in that judgment. Sueur, Hist. de l'Eglise et de l'Empire, at the year 362. T. iii. p. 235. thus delivers the last part of that discourse. Maris répondit vigoureusement, ou plutôt insolemment: "Je rends grâces à mon Dieu, de ce qu'il m' a ôté la vue, afin qu'elle ne fût souillée de voir un si méchant homme que toi."

• Nimius religionis Christianæ insectator, perinde tamen ut cruore abstinuerit. Eutrop. 1. x. cap. 16.

d Vide Gr. Naz. Or. 3. p. 72. &c.

• Juliano ad idolorum cultum converso, blanda persecutio fuit, illiciens magis, quam impellens ad sacrificandum; in quâ multi ex nostris voluntate propriâ corruerunt. Chr. p. 185.

Christianam religionem arte potius quam potestate insectatus est, ut negaretur fides Christi, et idolorum cultus susciperetur, honoribus potius provocans, quam tormentis cogere studuit. Oros. 1. vii. cap. 30.

Gregor. Or. 4. p. 133, 134.

Principibus tamen e cunctis non defuit unus,

Me puero, ut memini, ductor fortissimus armis, VOL. IV.

Conditor et legum, celeberrimus ore manuque,
Consultor patriæ, sed non consultor habendæ
Religionis, amans ter centum millia divûm.
Perfidus ille Deo, quamvis non perfidus orbi.

Prudent. Apoth. ver. 450. &c.

Leunclavii

i Vide Petri Cunæi Præf. in Juliani Cæsares. Apologia pro Zosimo. p. 629. &c. Gundling. Pref. in Balduin. de Legib. Constantini M. sub in. See likewise Ez. Spanheim's French version of Julian's Cæsars, and Montaigne's Essays. B. 2. ch. 19.

Fleury's Ecc. Hist. Vol. 2. p. 361. English edition.

It may not be improper to insert here a part of Julian's character, as given by Cave in his Introduction, p. xlvii. "A prince truly of great virtues, prudent, considerative, im'partial, strictly just, chaste, and temperate, patient of hard'ships, unwearied in his labours, valorous in his attempts, even to rashness and precipitancy-In short, to give him bis due, had not his memory been stained with an apostacy 'from the best religion that ever was, and so bitter and incu'rable a spleen against the Christians, he might have passed for one of the best princes that ever managed the Roman 'empire.'

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pains to compose an argument against the Christian religion. Jerom says, it consisted of seven books; and in another place he has quoted the seventh book of that work: but Cyril of Alexandria, in the preface to his confutation of it, mentions only three books, written by Julian against the holy gospels, and the venerable religion of the Christians. Cyril, who dedicates this defence of our religion, in ten books, to Theodosius the younger, did not write, as is supposed, before the year 432: whether any part of Julian's work was lost between the time of Jerom and Cyril, or whether it was differently divided, I cannot say. But that Cyril mentions three books only, because he intended to answer a part only of the work, I cannot believe. When he says, that Julian had written three books against the Christian religion, I suppose he intends the whole of the work which he had before him.

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Philip Sidetes, who flourished about the year 418, published a confutation of Julian's work, as we learn from Socrates; but it was never much valued, and has been long since lost: we therefore can have no information from him.

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Jerom seems to say, that Julian's work was composed in the Persian expedition, in expe⚫ditione Parthica.' But I do not think it needful to suppose, as some have done, that he intended to say, it was written after Julian was set out from Antioch, in his march toward Persia. I think, we may rely upon Libanius for the time of this work; who, as cited by Socrates, says: In the winter season, during the long nights, the emperor set himself to confute those books which make the man of Palestine a God, and the Son of God: and in a long and unanswerable argument he shewed, how trifling and absurd those things are which are admired by them. In which work he excelled the Tyrian old man: let the Tyrian forgive me, that I say, he was ' exceeded by his son.' But, says Socrates, I am of opinion, that if Porphyry had been an emperor, he would have preferred his work above Julian's. Cave likewise speaks very slightly of this peformance. Indeed, I apprehend, there could not be much in it that was new, and had not been said before: but Julian's work might be more sprightly for the manner, and might have some satirical strokes against the followers of Jesus peculiar to himself. And I am apt to think, that he oftener quoted the writers of the New Testament by name, and more distinctly, than any of his predecessors in this argument: and therefore he will afford us good evidence of their genuineness and antiquity. Some have imagined, that in this design Julian was assisted by Libanius, and other philosophers who accompanied him: but I believe, that he needed not their assistance, and that he was better qualified to write upon this argument than any of those sophists or philosophers. According to our account then, this work was composed by Julian near the end of the year 362, or in the beginning of the year 363.

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Libanius calls it a long work: indeed I believe it was prolix. Cyril transcribes many passages from it at length: afterwards he abridges, and plainly omits some tedious quotations from the scriptures, especially from the Old Testament. And at the beginning he complains, that Julian's work was very immethodical, and had many repetitions, saying the same thing again and again.

In Cyril's Confutation are many large fragments of Julian's work, in which he argues against the Old and the New Testament, against Moses and the Jews, as well as against Jesus and his apostles, and followers. Cyril promiseth to cite Julian in his own words; but he declares, that he omits some of his blasphemous reflections upon our Saviour. However, he has taken a good many things that are free and offensive: and in Julian and Libanius we may see what was the language of those times.

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Cyril's answer to Julian, as before said, was not written before the year 432. Theodoret had read it, and says he admired it. Du Pin considers it as one of the principal of Cyril's

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On peut juger, que ce rhéteur, et les philosophes qui accompagnoient Julien, eurent part aux livres contre la réligion Chrétienne, que ce Prince composoit pendant les longues nuits de l'hiver. Bletterie, Vie de Julien. p. 383.

h Contr. Julian. 1. ii. p. 38. C. D.

1 εκτιθεμενοι δε της ειχες επί λέξεως αυλης. Ib. 1. ii.
p. 38. C.
Ibid. D.

1 Tillem. Cyril. d'Alex. art. 157. Tom. xiv. p. 671.
Και αναίνοντες εθαυμασαμεν. Theod. ep. 83. p. 960. Β.

" S. Cyril d'Alex. Tom. iii. Part ii. p. 48. Amst.

works: he says it is clear and learned, and more solid than the work of Julian; though it is far from being so elegant and agreeable.

III. I intend to give a particular account of that work: after which I shall make extracts out of some of Julian's epistles and edicts. But before I proceed to those things, it is needful that I consider what is said of Julian's regard for the Jews, of which as yet I have taken no notice.

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We are informed by some,' or all our ecclesiastical historians, who write of Julian, that he sent for some of the chief men of the Jewish nation, and enquired of them why they did not now sacrifice as the law of Moses directed. They told him, that they were not to sacrifice at any place except Jerusalem; and the temple being destroyed, they were obliged to forbear that part of worship. He thereupon promised to rebuild the temple at Jerusalem. And we still have a letter of Julian inscribed to the Community of the Jews:' in which he boasts of his having abolished some taxes which had been laid upon them, and calls their venerable patriarch Iülus his brother. He also entreats their prayers for him, that when he shall be returned 'victorious from the Persian war, he may rebuild the holy city Jerusalem, which for a long time they had earnestly desired to see inhabited, and that he might come and dwell there himself, and together with them offer up prayers to the supreme Deity.'

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This letter, however extraordinary, must be reckoned genuine : for Sozomen expressly says,

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⚫ that Julian wrote to the patriarchs and rulers of the Jews, and to their whole nation, desiring them to pray for him, and for the prosperity of his reign.' That is an exact description of the letter we have, which is inscribed to the Community of the Jews.'

It was written in the year 362, as Bletterie supposeth: in the beginning of that year say Tillemont and the bishop of Gloucester.

And we are informed by many ancient writers, that Julian did actually give orders for rebuilding the temple at Jerusalem, and that the attempt was defeated by divine interposition. It is mentioned by three contemporary writers, Gregory Nazianzen, Chrysostom, and Ambrose bishop of Milan, all Christians, and also by Ammianus Marcellinus, a learned heathen, and afterwards by Rufinus, Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoret, and Philostorgius, as well as by later writers. Let us begin with the contemporaries.

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Julian,' says Gregory Nazianzen, having sent for the Jews, assured them, that he had ⚫ discovered from their own books, that now the time was come when they were to return to their own country, when their temple was to be rebuilt, and they were to live again according to the laws of their ancestors. They were easily persuaded to believe what was so desirable to them; and immediately great numbers of them, with the utmost alacrity, set about the work. And it is said by those who are their good friends, that their women not only resigned all their valuable ornaments with great readiness, but also joined in the work, carrying earth in their bosoms, and in their richest garments, not thinking any thing too much to promote so pious a design. But being interrupted by a hurricane, and an earthquake, they ran to a church not far off, either to pray or for shelter: and there are who say, that the church ⚫ would not admit them; and that though they found the doors open, they were presently shut again, and bolted by an invisible power- -However it is said by all, and universally believed, that as they were using their utmost efforts to get into the church, a flame issued out from it ⚫ which entirely destroyed and consumed some of them, and scorched and maimed others in ⚫ their members; so that they were living monuments of the justice and vengeance of God upon sinners And moreover, as he goes on, there was a light in the heaven, exhibiting a

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a Socr. H. E. 1. iii. cap. 20. Sozom, 1. v. cap. 22. Theod.

1. iii. cap. 20.

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» Ιελιανος Ιεδαίων τῳ Κοινῳ. Ep. 25. p. 396.

κ του αδελφον Ίελον τον αιδεσιματαιον πατριαρχην παρήνεσα. Ρ. 397.

- να κάνω τον των Περσών πόλεμον διορθωσάμενος, την εκ πολλών είων επιθυμεμένην παρ' ὑμῖν ἰδεῖν οικεμενην πολιν άδιαν Ιερυσαλήμ εμοις καματοις ανοικοδόμησας οικήσω, και εν αυλη δοξαν δωσω μεθ' ύμων τῷ κρειτίονι. p. 398.

• Και πατριάρχαις, και αρχήδοις αυίων, και αυῳ δε πληθεί εἴραψεν, ευχεσθαι ύπερ αυτς και της αυτό Βασιλειας, Soz. 1. v. cap. 22. in.

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