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VAN COURT'S

NEW MONTHLY MAGAZINE.

THE FAVORITES.

Let him guess why the

THIS is one of Edwin Landseer's charm- sagacity to find out. ing pictures, and displays, pre-eminently, his dogs look so full of patient sympathy,-or characteristic and peculiar genius, that is, why the highland boy casts down his eyes in his expression of animal character. No mat-ead thought, or why the boat on the lake ter how many dogs, or how many horses he paints, they shall be still every one individualised. And that not merely by external features; he makes them all feel and think. Is not the painter here a philosopher also?

But will the reader look again at our picture? There is a meaning in all he sees there, not unworthy of the exercise of his

has just arrived with friends, perhaps relatives, of the owners of the poor hut-or why the pony seems to listen so earnestly, and gaze upon you so eloquently,-or why the lady's saddle upon his back is vacant. The noble picture, in fine, represents a truly noble incident,-a Visit of Benevolence to the Poor, or the Sick,-perhaps, alas! the Dying.

BRITISH ORGANIZATION OF THE EVANGELICAL ALLIANCE. [THE following noble and manly speech,cellent father, the late Dr. Bickersteth. The delivered by Rev. Dr. BAIRD, of New York, chair was filled by Sir Culling Eardly. The

we find in the Prairie Herald.

Mr. James, one of the speakers present, said, "He could not but express his unfeigned admiration of the temper of mind in which Dr. Baird's communication had been laid before them; more tenderness of spirit, and yet more manliness of mind and sentiment, he had scarcely ever witnessed."

It must have been rather a bitter pill to that immaculate audience. When an individual, a class, a community, or a nation becomes, in their own estimation, so very good as to unchristianize and repudiate all others that do not fall into their own peculiar notions; they need watching.]

The speech was delivered on the occasion of the fifth annual conference of the British Evangelical Alliance, which was held on the 20th of Aug. 1851. About five hundred members were present. After the usual opening services, the Rev. Edward Bickersteth read and enforced the "practical resolutions of the London conference." The address of this gentleman was delivered in a true christian spirit, and reminded the audience of his exVOL. 1-11-N'R '51-L

persons noticed as being from the United States, were the Rev. Dr. Baird, Dr. Bacon, Rev. Mr. Bliss, Rev. Dr. Robinson, Dr. J. W. Alexander, Rev. Mr. Jacobus, Rev. Mr. Wilson.

On the 21st, Rev. Baptist Noel addressed the meeting, followed by Rev. Mr. James, of Birmingham. Rev. Dr. King, of Glasgow, gave a statement of the difficulties the Alliance met with on its organization, especially those resulting from slavery in some parts of the United States.

Rev. Dr. Baird, of New York, after pleading for indulgence, on the ground of ill health and physical weakness, proceeded to say:

I know not that I ever undertook a sadder task than that of making the present address, for it must contain some things which will be heard with pain by all upon whose ears it will fall. It can afflict none, however, more than it will him who presents it.

It must be confessed, however, that though the movement has done much in Americagood enough, and far more than enough, to justify all the trouble and expense which it has occasioned, yet it has been in a great degree a failure. It has accomplished but little in comparison with what was fondly hoped when it was projected.

The American brethren who were in Lon

don in 1846, and returned home with heavy hearts, were some of them among the first, if not the very first, to propose the movement. They had written much about the movement, prayed much over it, and they believed it might accomplish four things without much difficulty. First, form and set forth a statement of doctrine in which all Evangelical Protestants could unite: secondly, bring together from time to time, a great amount of valuable information respecting the state and progress of the kingdom of our Lord in all countries; thirdly, promote the union and fellowship of all true christians by making them acquainted with each other's faith, character and trials; and fourthly, unite all true Protestants more perfectly in efforts to resist their old enemy, the Man of Sin, in all the various forms of attack which he may choose to make.

They supposed that all who are members of any of the branches of the one true church of God, might be received as members of this holy Alliance, with the confidence that if there were evils with which many of them were for a time entangled, and which might seem, or might be, under certain circumstances, inconsistent with true religion, they would be better dealt with, and more easily removed by the proper ecclesiastical organizations, than by such an alliance as was proposed. For this same reason they would have left all national and local agencies. They believed, for instance, much as they might be shocked with the wine-drinking and brandy drinking habits which prevailed, and do still prevail among some ministers of religion-and which make them far less worthy of confidence than they otherwise would be-they believed, I say, that the sin of the improper use of intoxicating beverages would be removed through the progress of light and the influence of kindness. They did not believe that the presence of unworthy members was going to prevent either the communion of saints or the communion of their Saviour, for in that case they could not be members of any church in the world.

They were willing, if a second evidence may be stated, to propose an alliance with brethren of England, brethren of Germany, and brethren of other countries, who held with the greatest earnestness that union between the church and the state is both scriptural and useful; although there is, probably, not one of those American brethern who does not believe in his inmost soul-and I certainly agree with them-that that same alliance of church and state is the greatest ev.l that has ever befallen the church of Christ-that it has done more to corrupt sound doctrine, to blend the world and the church, to subvert the rights of conscience,

and of religious worship, and in a word, to prevent men from entering into heaventhan all the slavery that has ever existed; and yet with this belief they were never guilty of the folly of refusing to meet and acknowledge christian brethern who approve and uphold this pernicious alliance and share in its emolumenis. They had thought the progress of light would in time enable some to do what the late Robert Hall pronounced very hard, namely, to see through a guinea. Time will certainly be required for this emancipation of the church from this dreadful evil. For did we not hear, the other day, an invitation from a great docter to appoint a committee of five brethren to go to his hospitable mansion, and at his expense, and there sit down and investigate the trnth on the subject of religion? Did he not intimate that the civil magistrate has a right to interfere in the matter of religion! Although I have no ambition to be a member of that committee, should it be sent to Durham, yet I should be very willing to sit at the feet of this British Gamaliel-and I use the word in no derisive sense, for I consider Dr. Townsend your most learned English expounder of the Divine Law, but I think the truth of the proposition which I have mentioned will not easily be demonstrated for twice ten days.

The American brethren soon began to see their fears realized. A resolution, adopted at Manchester, gave them notice of the coming difficulty. Still they came to London, to the great meeting in 1846, hoping for the best. At the very outset they were met with a resolution, by way of test, which was felt to be not very courteous, as determining the terms of an Alliance which was expected to be, not for Britain only, but for the world. But even this was got over, and the American brethren entered the Alliance. The long and painful discussions which followed are well known. The American brethren returned home with heavy hearts. That happened which they had feared and anticipated. It was impossible to make the movement successful among us. Very few even of those who had been decidedly favorable to it before, would take any part in it now. The restriction was felt to be unjust, and was unjust, inasmuch as it was certain to operate cruelly upon many persons in the slaveholding states, who most need, as they most deserve, the succor which christian sympathy can give. There are forins of this great evil which no men who have the light that we have, or think we have, can fail to pronounce to be utterly inconsistent with true religion, or with any religion which requires justice to our fellow men; as, for instance, where the thing is voluntary and mercenary and cruel. There are many cases, on the other hand,

BRITISH ORGANIZATION OF THE EVANGELICAL ALLIANCE.

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where the case is far otherwise, from the of taunt, and of ridicule, and of indiscriminate State laws, from the position of the master, or from the age and condition of the slave. This was felt because understood by many of the best men in America; and they stood aloof from our Alliance; besides, the whole affair had an unfavorable aspect. There was an appearance of foreign dictation-I say an appearance, for I know the intention will be disclaimed. And it came from the last quarter from which it should have come; it came from England, by which every thing of that kind should be avoided. The wounds which too severe and almost fratricidal wars had occasioned have not been long enough healed to admit of any thing but gentle treatment.

The result was, as has been stated, a deplorable failure. I say deplorable, not because we have need in America, of such an Alliance for ourselves or for the benefit of our churches. There is no country in christendom where there is so little need of it. There the several evangelical churches dwell together in harmony, for which we cannot be too grateful. All placed on the same footing by the laws, all protected by the laws, there can be no invidious distinction between them. No State establishment upholds some and overshadows and oppresses the others, for no church has the prestige or influence of the powers that be to sustain it. We are all equal in this respect, and know nothing of the oppressions, jealousies, and the heartburnings, which are found prevailing in other countries.

abuse may wound the hearts of christian men among us, who love their country, notwithstanding all its faults, but it is hurled back with unmeasured scorn by more than three thousand presses. "Let America wash out of her skirts the stain of slavery, and then she will be fit to join British christians." Such was the language of one of this country whom we loved. How was that received in America-I don't say by christian men, but by others? Will you bear with me while I tell you? (Yes, yes.) "This sounds," mark the words, "this sounds," said they, "like the language of her who washes and bedecks her person, eats and drinks, and wipes her mouth, and says, 'Am I not clean?" We know that Britain has many stains in her robe still to be washed out, as it would be easy to show; but I would not fall into the mistake I am condemning, and therefore it was that I hesitated to quote to you even a single specimen of that language which has been used in America in reply to that used here.

It must be remembered, that in America, as in this country, the men of this world constitute the vast majority. We will abolish this great evil, that you may depend upon; but we must be allowed to take such time and measures as we think best. We believe that we understand this matter better than you do; I speak it with all deference. We shall get rid of slavery, but not at, or in consequence of, your bidding, or to please you, but because it is our duty to do so. You can help us with your prayers, and by looking well to your experiment in the West Indies and seeing that it works well; I know not what else you can do. You have placed the coat of Nessus on the young limbs of our nation, but you can give us little help in throwing it off. It was not Republicanism nor the voluntary principle that imposed the greatest of evils upon us. Monarchy, monarchy did it. Monarchy introduced and imposed it, nursed it 155 years; and if the church did not do her duty-though she did much more than you are aware of-at the time the evil was young and small, and comparatively feeble; it was when ten out of thirteen of the colonies were enjoying the blessings, as some called them, of the established church.

But we deplore this failure. We deplore it because we see days of evil, nor are they very far distant. It cannot be disguised that the very attempt which we have made to bring the churches of America and Europe, and esp cially of Great Britain, into more friendly and fraternal relations, has ended in putting them further asunder. British christians have been told that it would hasten the overthrow of the dreadful evil among us, if you should put us out of the pale of your christian fellowship. You have been told what amounts to this; and you have believed those who told you so, notwithstanding the remonstrances and tears even,-of brethren who are worthy of your confidence, from their character, their antecedents, and their position. You have preferred to believe another class of witnesses. As to the question, who are they, and what they are, I say no- Do not, I beseech you, send us such misthing. You have believed them, but you sionaries as one who lately visited us; one have been deceived. You might have known who deceives himself, or rather tries to deus by knowing yourselves-I speak to British ceive his countrymen, by telling them that christians—and this knowledge would cer- his speeches in this country since his return, tainly have taught you that very much that will make a sensation in America from Maine has been done, and still more that has been to California. Yes, a sensation they may said, is any thing else than likely to accom- make, but it will be one of laughter and conplish that great object. Oh, no; the language tempt. May you have another Gurney to

send, he will be heard everywhere with pleasure; he was heard East and West, North and South, he was heard every where when he "reasoned of temperance, righteousness, and judgment to come," and when he addressed those admirable letters to Henry Clay. He was heard every where; for, while he was not wanting in faithfulness, he was a christian and a gentleman.

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us, and this you have not hitherto done. We are now twenty-four millions of people. In twenty-five years from this time, if our country holds together, we shall have fifty millions of people; in fifty years, one hun dred millions; and who will they be? Within ten years you have sent us two and a quarter millions of people; within the last five years, a million and a half. There came to the city of New York, from the 1st of January to the 1st of July. about 150,000 people, or nearly a thousand a day; and taking into account all other facts, it is probable that half a million of people will arrive in our country from Europe in the present year; and who are these people? What sends them to America? Poverty, many of them; political troubles, others. And do you think that the three hundred thousand poor Irish, going there within the year-most of them Roman Catholics-feel very friendly toward the United Kingdom? If you do, you are mistaken. There will come 150,000 Germans within this year, and among them many infidels and socialists; and because we have endeavored to vindicate our Protestant breth

My brethren, the course taken in this country for years past is working out its legitimate result, not that of hastening the overthrow of this great evil in America, but that of severing the bonds which hold two great nations together! What do we see already? A few Americans at this meeting, most of them as spectators of your proceedings, and not as members of the Alliance.Why is this?" said a brother of this city now before me, well known and greatly beloved in America, "how is it that when so many American ministers are now in England, so few are here, or have even called upon us?" That is a serious inquiry, and I would prefer to leave it unanswered; but I cannot. The reason of it is to be found simply in this fact-they do not go to your meet-ern in Europe, 1, for example, have been_reings, because, as one of them said to me, they are tired of hearing, wherever they go, insults offered to their country, remarks and taunts thrown out against it; the presence of an American gentleman being often sufficient to influence a clap-trap speaker in Exeter Hall to say something agamst America, to catch the applause of the audience.

The gentleman to whom I have referred said he did not want to hear such things any more, and therefore he should not go to any meetings. My friends, this is the exact state of the case. There are a great many American ministers in Europe, but very few here-very few care about being acquainted with their brethern in Europe. I am sorry to say it. They feel that a slight is put upon them. If public meetings are held, they are not invited to speak. If this were owing to their incompetency, they would submit with becoming humility; but when they know that it arises from other motives, and that if they attend public meetings they will hear something against their country to which they cannot reply, they stay away. They go to the Grand Exhibition, travel about your country, visit the graves of their fathers, but they do not attend your meetings. It is impossible that this state of things should fail to do much mischief. We can do as well without you as you can do without us.

The Chairman-No! but neither can do without the other.

The Rev. Dr. BAIRD: That is true. You send us now the very sweepings of Europe. We want you to send us good men to help

cently held up by German papers in New York as a miserable drunkard; this after all that I have done to promote the cause of temperance in Europe!

But, I ask again, can this state of things continue long without danger? and may no danger arise from that quarter, if any serious difficulty should arise betwixt the two countries? In twenty years we shall have more Irishmen in the United States than there will be in Ireland; and, though we may not empty Germany, we shall have a great many Germans. Now comes the difficulty. These men will have no very great attachment to Europe. It required all the wisdom of the British Government and the American Government, a few years since, to keep the peace between the two nations. The man who edits the paper in America which exerts the greatest influence upon the masses, and whose circulation is greater than the Times, is a Scotchman. That man has no love to England. There is the great question of Central America-a question which, though not understood here, is of vast importance. But for the wisdom of the British representative, and the self-possession of such a man as Daniel Webster, I know not what might have happened at the time when the Eastern boundary question was agitated. No one can tell what may at any moment arise to disturb the peace of the two countries. I tell you plainly, that if we don't watch the progress of things, we shall have serious difficulties to encounter.

I have lived inany years in Europe, parti

cularly at Paris and Geneva; and no Englishman, Scotchman, or Irishman ever came to my house that did not receive any hospitality I could give him. Many a christian minister in this assembly has sent to me man after man-exiles who have come to America to find employment; and it has often cost me many hours a day to attend to them. I cannot, therefore, be charged with a want of friendship for you. I have told you my own heart, and there is not an American here who will not confirm all that I have said about the imminence of the danger that lies before us, and the awfulness of the chasin that appears ready to open. It may be, however, that I am only enacting the part of Cassandra; I cannot help it.

STORY OF QUEEN MATILDA OF

DENMARK.

CAROLINE MATILDA, daughter of Frederick Prince of Wales, and sister of George III., King of Great Britain, was born on the 22d of July, 1751. In her childhood she exhibited a most amiable disposition, and many personal graces, which qualities suffered no diminution as she increased in years. When she attained to the age of fifteen, she was, indeed, remarkable for almost every attribute that can adorn her sex; and this circumstance, conjoined with the exalted rank which for tune had bestowed on her, might have given rise to the anticipation that happiness would have been her portion in life. But when she had attained to the age of fifteen, one of those royal matches, in which the affections have no share, was provided for the youthful and blooming princess, and her history was thus ultimately rendered a memorable instance of the instability of human greatness.

Christian VII., of Denmark, was the husband selected for Caroline Matilda. He was a prince originally weak in mind, and, though but two years older than the princess, had already impaired his constitution by debaucheries. The royal pair were contracted in 1766, and some time afterwards the princess was conducted to the court of Denmark, with all the high ceremonials befitting the sister of one of the most powerful monarchs of the civilised world. Queen Matilda (as she was usually named) was not long in Copenhagen, ere, at her husband's hands, in place of the kindness due to a wife, a woman, and a stranger, so young and so lovely, she underwent only violence and ill-treatment. Her only peace lay in submitting to his caprices, which he carried to such an absurd and unseemly length, as to compel her to appear on horseback in male attire with him-for yielding to which whim she was sharply reproved

by her mother, the Princess of Wales. In short, the Danish king behaved to her in every way with extreme impropriety, and often with barbarity. Christian's stepmother, the queen dowager, and her son, Prince Frederick, were also jealous of Queen Matilda's influence, and conducted themselves to her with uniform hostility.

Nearly two years passed away in this manner, when the Danish king thought proper to make a tour through Europe. His adviser in this scheme was his favorite minister Stolk, who was also one of the interested enemies of the poor young queen. Some of the elder councillors wished to prevent Christian from entering on any such journey, conceiving that the only result would be the exposure of his weakness and folly to the whole of Europe. The king, however, would and did go. In this tour, which took place in 1768, it chanced that he required the attendance of a physician at Altona, in the duchy of Holstein. Struensee, the son of a Lutheran bishop in Holstein, had just begun at that period to practice medicine at Altona, after having edited a newspaper for some time. He was recommended to the Danish king as a physician, and soon crept into extraordinary favor. Struensee was then twenty-nine years old, possessed of an agreeable exterior and pleasing manners, and neither deficient in talent nor in information. He had, moreover, the proper degree of subserviency, and a power of amusing, which sealed his success. In Christian's visit to England, Dr. Struensee, as he was termed, formed one of the royal suite.

On the return of Christian to Copenhagen, Struensee, who had continued to advance in the good graces of the king, was immediately appointed a cabinet minister, and entrusted, in fact, with the supreme power. Struensee was not long in sending for his brother, whom he made a councillor of state; Brandt, another adventurer, was appointed to superintend the palace and the imbecile king; and Rantzau, who had been Struensee's colleague in the editorship of the Altona newspaper, was nominated to the post of foreign minister, though he had formerly been sent in disgrace from the court. The majority of the former officials were at the same time removed. Such was the complete change which the introduction of Struensee (who, with his colleague Brandt, was mode an earl or count) effected at the court of Denmark. As far as the political conduct of Struensee is concerned, it need only be remarked here, that, in the course of his term of power, he abolished the torture, emancipated the enslaved husbandmen, and introduced religious toleration into Denmark; acts which must be placed in the balance against many ill-judged

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