able of thefe were conferred on natives of Britain. Every man occupied that rank only, which his own industry, or that of his near ancestors, had procured him. Each individual being cut off from all means of rifing to importance, but by his perfonal talents, was encouraged to make the most of thofe with which he was endowed. Profpects of this kind excited emulation, and produced an enterprising laborious fet of men, not easily overcome by difficulties, and full of projects for bettering their condition.

The enervating opulence of Europe had not yet reached the colonists. They were deftitute of gold and filver, but abounded in the riches of A fameness of circumftances and occupations created a great fense of equality, and difpofed them to union in any common caufe, from the fuccefs of which, they might expect to partake of equal advantages.

The Colonies were communities of feparate independent individuals, under no general influence, but that of their personal feelings and opinions. They were not led by powerful families, nor by great officers in church or state. Refiding chiefly on lands of their own, and employed in the wholesome labours of the field, they were in a great measure strangers to luxury. Their wants were few, and among the great bulk of the people, for the most part, fupplied from their own grounds. Their enjoyments were neither far-fetched, nor dearly purchased, and were fo moderate in their kind, as to leave both mind and body unimpaired. Inured from their early years to the toils of a country life, they dwelled in the midft of rural plenty. Unacquainted with ideal wants, they delighted in perfonal independence. Removed from the preffures of indigence, and the indulgence of affluence, their bodies were ftrong, and their minds vigorous.

The great bulk of the British colonists were farmers, or planters, who were alfo proprietors of the foil. The merchants, mechanics, and manufacturers, taken collectively, did not amount to one fifteenth of the whole number of the inhabitants. While the cultivators of the

foil depend on nothing but Heaven and their own industry, other claffes of men contract more or lefs of fervility, from depending on the caprice of their customers. The excess of the farmers over the collective numbers of all the other inhabitants, gave a caft of independence to the manners of the people, and diffufed the exalting fentiments, which have always predominated among those who are cultivators of their own grounds: thefe vere farther promoted by their moderate circumstances, which deprived them of all fuperfluity for idlenefs, or effeminate indulgence,

The

The provincial conftitutions of the English colonies nurtured a fpirit of liberty. The king and government of Great Britain held no patronage in America, which could create a portion of attachment and inAuence, fufficient to counteract that spirit in popular affemblies, which, when left to itself, ill brooks any authority that interferes with its own.

The inhabitants of the colonies from the beginning, efpecially in New England, enjoyed a government which was but little fhort of being independent. They had not only the image, but the fubftance of the English conftitution. They chose most of their magistrates, and paid them all. They had in effect the fole direction of their internal government. The chief mark of their fubordination confifted in their making no laws repugnant to the laws of their mother country; in their fubmitting to have fuch laws as they made to be repealed by the king; and their obeying such restrictions as were laid on their trade by Parliament. The latter were often evaded, and with impunity. The other fmall checks were fcarcely felt, and for a long time were in no refpects injurious to their interests.

Under thefe favourable circumftances, colonies in the new world had advanced nearly to the magnitude of a nation, while the greateft part of Europe was almoft wholly ignorant of their progrefs. Some arbitrary proceedings of governors, proprietary partialities, or democratical jealousies, now and then interrupted the political calm which generally prevailed among them, but thefe and other occafional impediments of their profperity, for the most part, foon fubfided. The circumftances of the country afforded but little fcope for the intrigues of politicians, or the turbulence of demagogues. The colonists being but remotely affected by the bustlings of the old world, and having but few objects of ambition or contention among themselves, were absorbed in the ordinary cares of domeftic life, and for a long time exempted from a great proportion of thofe evils, which the governed too often experience from the paffions and follies of ftatesmen. But all this time they were rifing higher, and though not fenfible of it, growing to a greater degree of political confequence.

One of the first events which, as an evidence of their increafing importance, drew on the colonies a fhare of public attention, was the taking of Louifbourg, in the year 1745, from France, while that coun. try was at war with Great Britain. This enterprife was projected by Governor Shirley, of Maffachusetts, and undertaken by the fole autho rity of the legislature of that colony. It was carried by only a single vote to make the attempt, but after the adoption of the meafure, there was an immediate union of all parties, and all were equally zealous in carrying it into execution. The expedition was committed to General Pepperell,

3 G 2

Pepperell, and upwards of five thousand men were speedily raised for the fervice, and put under his command. This force arrived at Canfo on the 4th of April: a British marine force from the Weft-Indies, commanded by Commodore Warren, which arrived in the fame month, acted in concert with these land forces. Their combined operations were carried on with fo much judgment, that on the 17th of June the fortrefs capitulated.

The war in which Louisbourg was taken, was scarcely ended when another began, in which the colonies were diftinguished parties. The reduction of that fortress, by colonial troops, must have given both to France and England, enlarged ideas of the value of American territory, and might have given rife to that eagerness for extending the bounda ries of their respective colonies, which foon after, by a collifion of claims to the fame ground, laid the foundation of a bloody war between the two nations. It is neither poffible nor neceffary to decide on the rights of either to the lands about which this conteft began. It is ce tain that the prospects of convenience and future advantage had much more influence on both, than the confiderations of equity. As the contending powers confidered the rights of the native inhabitants of no account, it is not wonderful that they should not agree in settling their own. The war was brought on in the following manner: about the the year 1749, a grant of fix hundred thoufand acres of land in the neighbourhood of the Ohio, was made out in favour of certain perfons in Westminster, London, and Virginia, who had affociated under the title of the Ohio Company. At this time France was in poffeffion of the country, on both fides of the mouth of the Miffiffippi, as well as of Canada, and wished to form a communication between these two extremities of her territories in North-America.

She was, therefore,

alarmed at the fcheme in agitation by the Ohio Company inafmuch as the land granted to them lay between her northern and fouthern fettlements. Remonftrances again.ft British encroachments as they were called, having been made in vain by the Governor of Canada, the French, at length, in 1753, feized fome British subjects who were trading among the Twightwees, a nation of Indians near the Ohio, as intruders on the land of his Moft Christian Majesty, and fent them to a fort on the fouth fide of Lake Erie. The Twightwees, by way of retaliation for capturing British traders, whom they deemed their allies, feized three French traders, and fent them to Fennfylvania. The French perfifting in their claims to the country on the Ohio, as part of Canada, ftrengthened themfelves by erecting new forts in its vicinity, and at length began to feize and plunder every British trader found on

any

any part of that river. Repeated complaints of thefe violences being made to the Governor of Virginia, it was at length determined to fend a fuitable person to the French commandant near the Ohio, to demand the reafon of his hoftile proceedings, and to infift on his evacuating a fort he had lately built. Major Washington, being then but little more than twenty-one years of age, offered his fervice, which was thankfully accepted. The diftance to the French fettlement was more than four hundred miles, and one half of the rout led through a wilderness, inhabited only by Indians. He nevertheless fet out in an uncommonly fevere season, attended only by one companion. From Winchester, he proceeded on foot, with his provifions on his back. When he arrived and delivered his meffage, the French commandant refused to comply, and claimed the country as belonging to the King his master, and declared that he should continue to feize and fend as prifoners to Canada, every Englishman that fhould attempt to trade on the Ohio, or any of its branches. Before Major Washington returned, the Virginians had fent out workmen and materials, to erect a fort at the conflux of the Ohio, and the Monongahela. While they were engaged in this work, the French came upon them, drove them out of the country, and erected a regular fortification on the fame fpot. Thefe fpirited proceedings overfet the fchemes of the Ohio Company, but its members both in England and America were too powerful to brook the disappointment. It was therefore resolved to instruct the Colonies to oppose with arms the encroachments of the French on the British territories, as thefe western lands were called. In obedience to these instructions, Virginia raised three hundred men, put them under the command of Colonel Washington, and fent them on towards the Ohio. May 28, 1754, an engagement between them and a party of French took place, in which the latter were defeated. On this Mr. de Villier, the French commandant, marched down with nine hundred men, befides Indians, and attacked the Virginians. Colonel Washington made a brave defence, behind a small unfinished intrenchment, called Fort Neceffity; but at length accepted of honourable terms of capitulation.

From the eagerness discovered by both nations for these lands, it occurred to all, that a rupture between France and England could not be far diftant. It was also evident to the rulers of the latter, that the CoJonies would be the most convenient centre of operation for repreffing French encroachments. To draw forth their Colonial refources, in an uniform fyftem of operations, then, for the first time, became an object of public attention. To digeft a plan for this purpose, a general meeting of the Governors, and most influential members of the Provincial Affemblies,

Affemblies, was held at Albany in 1754. The commiffioners, at this congrefs, were unanimoufly of opinion, that an union of the Colonies was neceflary, and they propofed a plan to the following effect, "that a grand council fhould be formed of members, to be chofen by the Provincial Affemblies, which council, together with a Governor, to be appointed by the Crown, fhould be authorised to make general laws, and also to raise money from all the Colonies for their common defence." 'The leading members of the Provincial Affemblies were of opinion, that if this plan was adopted, they could defend themfelves from the French, without any affistance from Great Britain. This plan, when fent to England, was not acceptable to the Ministry, and in lieu thereof, they propofed, "that the Governors of all the Colonics attended by one or two members of their respective councils," which were for the most part of royal appointment, "fhould from time to time concert measures for the whole of the Colonies; erect forts, and raise troops with a power to draw upon the British treafury in the first inftance: but to be ultimately re-imbursed by a tax to be laid on the Colonies by act of Parliament." This was as much difrelished by the Colonists, as the former plan had been by the British Miniftry, The principle of fome general power, operating on the whole of the Colonies, was still kept in mind, though dropped for the present.

The minifterial plan laid down above was tranfmitted to Governor Shirley, and by him communicated to Dr. Franklin, and his opinion thereon requested. That fagacious patriot fent to the Governor an anfwer in writing, with remarks upon the propofed plan, in which, by his ftrong reafoning powers, on the first view of the new fubject, he anticipated the substance of a controverfy, which for twenty years employed the tongues, pens, and fwords of both countries.

The policy of repreffing the encroachments of the French on the British Colonies was generally approved both in England and America. It was therefore refolved to take effectual meafures for driving them from the Ohio, and alfo for reducing Niagara, Crown-Point, and the other pofts, which they held within the limits claimed by the King of Great Britain.

To effect the first purpose, General Braddock was fent from Ireland to Virginia, with two regiments, and was there joined by as many more, as amounted in the whole, to two thousand two hundred men. He was a brave man, but deftitute of the other quàlifications of a great officer. His haughtiness difgufted the Americans, and his feverity made him difagreeable to the regular troops. He particularly flighted the country militia, and the Virginia officers. Colonel Washington begged his per

mission