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miffion to go before him, and scour the woods with his provincial troops, who were well acquainted with that fervice, but this was refufed. The General with one thousand four hundred men pushed on incautiously, till he fell into an ambuscade of French and Indians, by whom he was defeated, and mortally wounded, June 9, 1755. The regulars, as the British troops at that time were called, were thrown into confufion, but the provincials more used to Indian fighting, were not fo much difconcerted. They continued in an unbroken body under Colonel Washington, and by covering the retreat of the regulars, prevented their being cut off entirely.

Notwithstanding these hoftilities, war had not yet been formally declared. Previous to the adoption of that measure, Great Britain, contrary to the ufages of nations, made prifoners of eight thousand French failors. This heavy blow for a long time crippled the naval operations of France, but at the fame time inspired her with a defire to retaliate, whenever a proper opportunity fhould prefent itself. For two or three years after Braddock's defeat, the war was carried on against France without vigour or fuccefs: but when Mr. Pitt was placed at the head of the ministry, public affairs affumed a new afpect. Victory every where, crowned the British arms, and, in a fhort time, the French were difpoffeffed, not only of all the British territories on which they had encroached, but also of Quebec, the capital of their ancient province, Canada.

In the courfe of this war, fome of the colonies made exertions fo far beyond their reasonable quota, to merit a re-imbursement from the national treafury; but this was not univerfally the cafe. In confequence of internal difputes, together with their greater domeftic fecurity, the neceffary fupplies had not been raised in due time by others of the Provincial Affemblies. That a British Minifter fhould depend on colony legislatures, for the execution of his plans, did not well accord with the vigorous and decifive genius of Mr. Pitt, but it was not prudent, by any innovation, to irritate the Colonies, during a war, in which, from local circumstances, their exertions were peculiarly beneficial. The advantages that would result from an ability to draw forth the refources of the Colonies, by the fame authority, which commanded the wealth of the Mother Country, might in thefe circumftances have fuggefted the idea of taxing the Colonies by authority of the British parliament. Mr. Pitt is faid to have told Mr. Franklin, "that when the war clofed, if he should be in the miniftry, he would take measures to prevent the Colonies from having a power to refufe or delay the fupplies that might he wanted for national purposes," but did not mention what those mea

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fures fhould be. As often as money or men were wanted from the Co. lonies, a requifition was made to their legislatures. These were gene rally and cheerfully complied with. Their exertions with a few exceptions were great, and manifefted a serious defire to carry into effect the plans of Great Britain for reducing the power of France.

In the profecution of this war, the advantages which Great Britain derived from the Colonies were feverely felt by her enemies. Upwards of four hundred privateers, which were fitted out of the ports of the British Colonies fuccefsfully cruized on French property. Thefe not only ravaged the West India islands belonging to his moft Chriftian Majefty, but made many captures on the coaft of France. Befides diftreffing the French nation by privateering, the Colonies furnished twenty-three thousand eight hundred men, to co-operate with the British regular forces in North-America. They alfo fent powerful aids, both in men and provifions, out of their own limits which facilitated the reduction of Martinique, and of the Havannah. The fuccefs of their privateers—the co-operation of their land forces-the convenience of their harbours, and their contiguity to the West India íslands, made the Colonies great acquifitions to Britain, and formidable adverfaries to France. From their growing importance the latter had much to fear. Their continued union with Great Britain threatened the fubverfion of the commerce and American poffeffions of France.

After hoftilities had raged nearly eight years, in 1763 a general peace was concluded, on terms, by which France ceded Canada to Great Britain. The Spaniards having alfo taken part in the war, were, at the termination of it, induced to relinquish to the fame power, both Eaft and Weft Florida. This peace gave Great Britain poffeffion of an extent of country equal in dimenfions to feveral kingdoms of Europe. The poffeffion of Canada in the North, and of the two Floridas in the South, made her almoft fole mistress of the North-American continent.

This laid the foundation of future greatness, which excited the envy and the fears of Europe. Her navy, her commerce, and her manufac tures, had greatly increased, when the held but a part of the continent, and when she was bounded by the formidable powers of France and Spain. Her probable future greatnefs, when without a rival, and with a growing vent for her manufactures, and increafing employment for her marine, threatened to deftroy that balance of power, which European fovereigns have for a long time endeavoured to preferve. Kings are republicans with refpect to each other, and behold with democratic jealoufy, any one of their order towering above the reft. The aggrandizement of one, tends to excite the combination, or, at least, the wishes of many,

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to reduce him to the common level. From motives of this kind, a great part of Europe not long fince combined against Venice; and foon afteragainst Louis XIVth of France. With the fame fufpicious eye was the naval fuperiority of Great Britain viewed by her neighbours. They were, in general, difpofed to favour any convulfion which promifed a diminution of her overgrown power.

The addition to the British empire of new provinces, equal in extent to old kingdoms, not only excited the jealoufy of European powers, but occafioned doubts in the minds of enlightened British politicians, whether or not fuch immenfe acquifitions of territory would contribute to the felicity of the Parent State. They faw, or thought they saw, the feeds of difunion planted in the too widely extended empire. Power, like all things human, has its limits, and there is a point beyond which the longest and sharpest sword fails of doing execution. To combine in one uniform system of government, the extenfive territory then subjected to the British fway appeared to men of reflection, a work of doubtful practicability: nor were they mistaken in their conjectures.

The feeds of difcord were foon planted, and speedily grew up to the rending of the empire. The high notions of liberty and independence, which were nurtured in the Colonies, by their local fituation, and the State of fociety in the new world, were increased by the removal of hoftile neighbours. The events of the war had also given them fome experience in military operations, and fome confidence in their own ability. Foreseeing their future importance, from the rapid increase of their numbers, and extenfion of their commerce, and being extremely jealous of their rights, they readily admitted, and with pleasure indulged, ideas and fentiments which were favourable to independence. While combustible materials were daily collecting, in the new world, a fpark to kindle the whole was produced in the old. Nor were there wanting those who, from a jealousy of Great Britain, helped to fan the flame.

From the first fettlement of English America, till the close of the war of 1755, the conduct of Great Britain towards her Colonies affords an ufeful leffon to those who are difpofed to colonisation. From that æra, it is equally worthy of the attention of those who with for the reduction of great empires to small ones. In the first period, Great Britain regarded the provinces as inftruments of commerce. Without charging herfelf with the care of their internal police, or feeking a revenue from them, the contented herself with a monopoly of their trade. She treated them as a judicious mother does her dutiful children. Theyshared in every privilege belonging to her native fons, and but flightly felt the inconveniences of fubordination. Small was the catalogue of grievances with which Vol. I,

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even democratical jealoufy charged the Parent State, antecedent to the period before mentioned. The following appear to have been the chief. An act of the British Parliament for prohibiting the cutting down pitch and tar trees, not being within a fence or enclofure, and fundry acts which operated against colonial manufactures. By one of thefe, it was made illegal after the 24th of June, 1750, to erect in the Colonies, any mill or other engine for flitting or rolling of iron, or any plating forge to work with a tilt-hammer, or any furnace for making fteel. By another, hatters were reftrained from taking more than two apprentices at a time, or any for less than seven years, and from employing negroes in the bufinefs. The Colonists were alfo prohibited from tranfporting. hats, and home manufactured woollens, from one province to another. These regulations were for the most part evaded, but if carried into execution, would have been flightly inconvenient, and only to a few. The articles, the manufacturing of which were thus prohibited, could be purchased at a cheaper rate from England, and the hands who made them, could be as well employed in agriculture.

Though these reftrictions were a fpecies of affront, by their implying, that the Colonists had not fenfe enough to discover their own interest, and though they seemed calculated to crush their native talents, and to keep them in a constant state of inferiority, without any hope of arriving at those advantages, to which, by the native riches of their country, they were prompted to aspire; yet if no other grievances had been fuperadded to what exifted in 1763, thefe would have been foon forgotten, for their preffure was neither great, nor univerfal. The good refulting to the colonies, from their connection with Great Britain, infinitely outweighed the evil.

Till the year 1764, the colonial regulations feemed to have no other object but the common good of the whole empire; exceptions to the contrary were few, and had no appearance of fyftem. When the approach of the Colonies to manhood made them more capable of refifting impofitions, Great Britain changed the ancient fyftem, under which her Colonies had long flourished. When policy would rather have dictated relaxation of authority, she rose in her demand, and multiplied her reftraints.

From the conqueft of Canada, in 1759, fome have fuppofed, that France began fecretly to lay fchemes for wrefting thofe Colonies from Great Britain which she was not able to conquer. Others alledge, that from that period the Colonifts, releafed from all fears of dangerous neighbours, fixed their eyes on independence, and took fundry steps preparatory to the adoption of that meafure. Without recurring to either of these opinions, the known felfishness of human nature is fufficient to

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account for that demand on the one fide, and that refufal on the other, which occafioned the revolution. It was natural for Great Britain to wish for an extenfion of her authority over the Colonies, and equally fo for them, on their approach to maturity, to be more impatient of fubordination, and to refift every innovation, for increafing the degree of their dependence.

The fad ftory of Colonial oppreffion commenced in the year 1764. Great Britain then adopted new regulations refpecting her Colonies, which after disturbing the ancient harmony of the two countries for about twelve years, terminated in the difmemberment of the empire.

Thefe confifted in restricting their former commerce, but more efpecially in fubjecting them to taxation, by the Britsh Parliament. By adhering to the fpirit of the navigation act, in the course of a century, the trade of Great Britain had increafed far beyond the expectation of her most fanguine fons, but by rigidly enforcing the strict letter of the fame, in a different fituation of public affairs, effects directly the reverse were produced,

From the enterprifing commercial spirit of the colonifts, the trade of America, after filling all its proper channels, fwelled out on every fide, and overflowed its proper banks with a rich redundance. In the cure of evils, which are closely connected with the caufes of national profperity, vulgar precaution ought not to be employed. In feverely checking á contraband #rade, which was only the overflowing of an extensive fair trade, the remedy was worfe than the difeafe.

For fome time before and after the termination of the war of 1755, confiderable intercourfe had been carried on between the British and Spanish Colonies, confifting of the manufactures of Great Britain, imported by the former, and fold by the latter, by which the British Colonies acquired gold and filver, and were enabled to make remittances to the Mother Country. This trade, though it did not clash with the fpirit of the British navigation laws, was forbidden by their letter. On account of the advantages which all parties, and particularly Great Britain, reaped from this intercourse, it had long been winked at by perfons in power; but at the period before-mentioned, fome new regulations were adopted, by which it was almoft deftroyed. This was effected by armed cutters, whofe commanders were enjoined to take the ufual cufom-houfe oaths, and to act in the capacity of revenue officers. So fudden a stoppage of an accustomed and beneficial commerce, by an Unufually rigid execution of old laws, was a ferious blow to the Northern Colonies. It was their isfortune, that though th y cod in need of vast quantities of British manufactures, their country produced very

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