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this work. He must in all likelihood have become a celebrated member of the Assembly, as he was trained up to the functions and duties of his profession by the greatest and most renowned disciples, such as Mankalan, Thariputra and Kathaba.

81. It is impossible to assign the motive that may have induced the compiler of Budha's life, to insert in his work a long episode on the celebrated physician Dzewaka. The story is in itself uninteresting and throws no light whatever on the history of the supposed originator or reformer of Budhism. For this reason, it has been thought quite unnecessary to give a complete translation of the whole passage. The name of Dzewaka is quite familiar with the adepts of the medical art in Burmah. Many times the writer has made inquiries respecting the works of the Hipocrates of India, but he has never been able to meet with a mention of, or allusion to, such compositions. Hence he has been led to suppose that the ⚫ father of medicine in these countries has left after him no writings to embody the results of his theoretical and practical favorite pursuits. Surgery appears to have been no novelty to our great Doctor, since we see him on an occasion extracting from the body of a prince, by means of an incision, a snake that put his life in peril.

The numerous quacks, who, in Burmah, assume the name of physicians, and are ever ready to give medicines in all cases, even the most difficult and complicated, are ignorant of the very elements of the Surgical art. They possess a certain number of remedies made up with plants, which, when applied under proper circumstances and in certain cases, work out wonderful cures. But the native physicians, unable in most intances to discern the true symptoms of diseases, give remedies at random, and obtain in too many cases results most fatal to the unfortunate patient. In medicine as well as in religion, ignorance begets superstition, and recourse to magical practices. We may positively assert that the black art is with native practitioners, an essential concomitant to the knowledge of medicine. When a physician has exhausted the limited stock of remedies that he possesses, and he finds in spite of his exertions, that the disease bids defiance to his skill, he gravely tells the relatives of the patient that some evil spirit is interfering with his remedies, and that he must be expelled, ere there could be any chance of relieving the sufferer and obtaining his recovery. Whereupon a shed is erected with the utmost speed on a spot close to the house of the patient. Offerings of rice, fruits and other articles are made to the pretended evil spirit who is supposed to have got hold of the sufferer's body. Dances of the most frantic character are carried on by his relatives, until their strength at last failing them, they drop down in state of complete exhaustion and prostration. They appear to have lost entirely their senses. In that state, they are supposed to have propitiated the evil spirit. Interrogated by the physician on the nature of the disease, and the proper remedies to be applied for eradicating it, they give answers, or rather they become the channels through which the spirit, satisfied with the offerings made in his honor, condescends to declare that he has now left the patient, and that by placing him under a certain treatment that he fails not to indicate, he will soon recover his health. Such like occurrences are exceedingly common. They are called by natives festivals of the Natpan or the possessing spirit.

82. The rebuke given by Budha to his disciples who had made without a permission, such a display of miraculous power, though intended for the promotion of his glory, was designed to operate as a salutary check to the pride that might find its way into the heart of even the most privileged beings. Such a lesson was deemed of the greatest importance, since we find in the book of Budhistic ordinations, the sin of boasting of, or pretending to the power of working wonders &c, ranked among the four capital sins excluding a Kahan for ever from the society of the perfect, and depriving him of his rank and dignity. Budha, it seems, wished to reserve to himself alone the honor of working miracles, or to give the permission, when circumstances should require it, to some of his disciples to do the same in his name and for the exaltation of his religion.

The following story of Purana and his five associates, holds a pre-eminent rank among the events that have rendered Budha so celebrated. Gaudama, as it has been already mentioned in some foregoing notes, was an ascetic who had studied philosophy under eminent masters, who belonged to the Brahminical school. In many of his opinions as well as in his mode of life, there was no perceptible difference between him and the followers of the Brahmins. The writings of the latter

as well as those of the earliest Budhists exhibit to us the sight of a great number of schools where opinions on ontology, morals and dogmas &c, at once various, multifarious and opposite were publicly taught. The human mind left to its own resources, launching forth into the boundless field of speculative philosophy, ran in every direction, searching after truth. The mania for arguing, defining, drawing conclusions &c, in those days, prevailed to an extent scarcely to be credited. Many centuries before Aristotle wrote the rules of dialectics, the Indian philosophers had carried the art of reasoning to a great degree of nicety and shrewdness. Witness the disputes and discussions between the Brahmins, and the immediate disciples of Budha. When our Phra began to attract about his person, crowds of hearers and disciples, when his opinions on the end of man were understood and appreciated; when the system of castes received the first shocks from the new but rapidly progressing doctrine: when the eyes and hearts of the people were slowly at first, and rapidly afterwards, centred on the new preacher and bis disciples; when at last, alms that had hitherto flowed in the abodes of the Brahmins, began to enter into new channels and carry their substantial produce to the door of the followers of the new sect, their jealousy and other passions began to agitate the heart of those who had hitherto retained an undisputed sway over the credulity of the people. They tried, if credit be given to the works of Budhists, every effort, devised every means in order to oppose the progress of the new doctrine.

In this instance Purana and his friends, assisted as the Budhists pretend by the agency of the evil one, wished to enter into discussion with Budha and to surpass him in the display of miraculous power. The contest was to take place in the country of Thawatee, in the presence of the King and a countless multitude assembled for the purpose. Purana, as usual with Budhists in regard to those who held opinions different of their own, is styled an heretic. Of the opinions of these enemies of Budha, nothing is said in the present work, but the writer has had the opportunity of perusing another work where a slight allusion is made to these six holders of heterodox doctrines. Their opinions were at variance upon the beginning of this world, the eternity of matter, the existence of the soul, a first principle creator of all that exists. We may infer therefrom that they were heads or chiefs of various schools, who, though not agreeing among themselves upon purely speculative doctrines, united and combined against the common enemy. A detailed account of the doctrines held by these six heretics would prove highly interesting, as it would throw some light on the very obscure and imperfectly known history of Indian philosophy in the days when Budhism assumed the shape of a religious system. To those who are unacquainted with Indian literature, the great progress made by Hindoos in philosophical sciences at such an early period may appear somewhat doubtful: but modern discoveries made all over the Indian Peninsula leave not the least doubt respecting this startling assertion. At a period when Greece and the other regions of Europe were sunk into a state of complete ignorance, most of the branches of literature were successfully cultivated on the banks of the Ganges. The study of philosophy always supposes a great intellectual advancement. There would, therefore, be no rashness whatever, in asserting that the present state and condition of India, as regards literary progress, are much below the mark that was attained at such a remote period.

ETHNOLOGY OF THE INDO-PACIFIC ISLANDS.

By J. R. LOGAN:

LANGUAGE.

PART II.

THE RACES AND LANGUAGES OF S. E. ASIA CONSIDERED IN RELATION TO THOSE OF THE INDO-PACIFIC ISLANDS.

CHAPTER V. (Continued).

ENQUIRIES INTO THE ETHNIC HISTORY AND RELATIONS OF THE DRAVIRIAN FORMATION,-EMBRACING NOTICES OF THE FINO-JAPANESE, CAUCASIAN, INDO-EUROPEAN, SEMITICO-AFRICAN, EUSKARIAN AND AMERICAN LANGUAGES.

Sec. 11. GLOSSARIAL INDICATIONS OF THE ETHNIC HISTORY AND RELATIONS OF THE DRAVIRIAN LANGUAGES.

II. NUMERALS.

As numerals are based on definitives, the principal test of their antiquity in a particular language is their mutual dependence, and their relation to the definitives preserved in pronouns, substantival prefixes or postfixes, directives &c. If their elements are the same that occur in these particles, and if the terms for the higher numbers are connected by composition or flexion with those for the lower, it may be concluded that the numerals are native, that is, belong to the earliest era of the language, or of the formation of which it is a member or derivative. If the different terms have no connection with the other particles of the language, it may be inferred that they are extraneous or of foreign origin; and this inference will be greatly strengthened if there is also an absence of connection amongst the numerals themselves. But, in the latter case, the heterogeneous character may be either that which they had in the single foreign language of their immediate origin, or it may be a consequence of successive displacements of old terms by new ones derived from several influential foreign languages. Tried by this test the Dravirian numerals must be considered as very archaic, and as native in the linguistic formation to which the ancient Indian languages belong. It may be remarked amongst their archaic characters that they are not only qualitive • Continued from p. 52.

as in other systems, but the roots are always clothed with a possessive or qualitive postfix, so that the series is literally "one-of," "two-cf", "three-of" &c.*

Rejecting the possessive postfixes, the S. Dravirian roots appear to be 1, on, vo; 2, ir, er, ira, era, re, ra (euphonically ren &c); 3, mu; 4, nal; 5, ai, (euphonically ain, an, &c.); 6, a; 7, e; 8 (2, 10); 9 (1, 10). If -du, -zhu, -ju, -ndu, -nju &c., -ru, -lu, -nu, -tu, -da, -zha, -ta, -la, -ar, -di, -ji, -ti, -de, -d &c. are all merely flexional variations of the possessive postfix, as is evidently the case the root of 5 is ai, and not ain, an or anj. If this view of the basis of the Dravirian rumerals be correct, it follows that it was originally formed from a few definitives, further distinctness having ultimately been attained in each term by slight variations or flexions both in the roots and in the common postfixual possessives, variations similar to what take place in all agglutinative and flexional languages. Thus in Tamil the postfix takes the forms -ru, 1, 3, 6; -du, 2, 9; -lu, 4; -ju, 5; -zhu, 7; -tu, 8; -ta, 9; -in Malayalam -na, 1; -da, 2, 9; -ar, 3; -ra, 6; -la, 4; -ja, 5; -zha, 7; -ta, 8, 10;—in Tuluva -ji, 1, 5, 6; -d, 2; -lu, 4 ;-1, 7 ; -nu, 5; -tu, 10;-in Karnat. -du 1, 2, 5; -ru, 3, 6 ;-l, 4; -lu, 7; -tu, 8, 9, 10;-in Telugu, -ti, 1; -du, 2, 3, 5, 7; -lu, 4; -ru, 6; -di; 8, 9, 10;-in Todava, -da, 1, 2; -du, 3; -n, 4; -j, 5; -ra, 6; -ta, -t, 8, 9, 10. From the easy convertibility of most of these forms, any original regularity in their flexion-if such ever existed-was not likely to be preserved. But some of the languages maintain a manifest connection between 1 and 6, and between 8, 9 and 10, the former being probably dependent on an archaic quinary scale, while the latter intimates that when the scale became decimal, the lower numbers in the vicinity of 10 were named with reference to it. From the general character of the variations in the forms of the See Appendix A. Comparative Vocabulary of the Numerals of the Dravirian Formation. The following are examples of the terms.

Lravirian proper.

1. on-ru

2. era-du

3. mu-du
4. na-lu
5. ayi-du
6. a-ru

7. e-du

8. en-tu

9. on-ba-du

10. pa-tu

Kol.
1. m-ia

2. bar-ia
3. op-ia
4. pon-ia
5. mor-ia
6. tur-ia
7. e-ia
8. irl-ia

9. ar-ca

10. gel-ea

postfixes and the faintness of any traces of real flexion, it is probable that none of them had ever any function but the simple possessive. They are similar to the ordinary variations of the possessive, the consonant being d, t, r, l, n, j, zh, nd, nt, nr, and the vowel u generally, but sometimes a (Malayalam), ori (Tuluva). [See the remarks on the final vowels affected by different dialects]. The only other particle found amongst the postfixes is the guttural. It occurs in 4 in Anc. Tamil nan-gu, Telugu nalu-gu, Karnataka nal-ku, Toda non-k, Uraon na-kh. It appears also to have been an archaic postfix of a labial term for "one" preserved in Kol but now lost in all the southern dialects save Toda and Telugu, although keeping its place in 10 and higher numbers as well as in 3. In the Telugu vo-ka-ti, the original poss. ka of the term voka appears to have become concreted and the secondary possessive -ti (the form in the Gond un-di) to have then been appended, as in the Brahui mu-si-t, 4; and Kol m-ia-d, 1. In Telugu the -ka of voka-ti is lost, the dental only being preserved in the sonant form (pa-di 10, in iru-va-i 20, mu-pa-i 30 &c the d is dropped). The other dialects, with one exception, have also lost the guttural. The exception is Ancient Tamil which has on-ba-ku-du 9, i. e. "one (from) ten," oru-pa-ku-du 10 "one-ten," iru-pa-ku-du 20 (2, 10) &c. In some vocabularies of Toda it occurs in 5 yajj-khu, khu. It appears to be the definitive found in the dative (-ku, -aku, -nka, -ki, -ge &c.) and in the compound possessive and dative -yo-ka, -yo-k. The additional postfixes in Uraon, Gond, Male (1) and Brahui appear to be attributable to these languages having left the home circle of the Dravirian family. Gond has even a prefix in 5 and 6 (s-ai-jhan 5, sa-rong 6).

The mutual connection of the roots themselves is somewhat obscure. 1, 2 and 3 appear to be distinct roots. 1, on, (no, o, in the Toda 11, nu in most of the dialects in 100, but on in Toda) is definitive in Dravirian as in many other languages, in several of which it is also used as the unit, "the," " this," " he," "it" &c. for "one," "a". In South Dravirian it occurs as a demonstrative, generally in the curt form a (followed by definitive postfixes marking the gender). Tuluva has ayi, Khond yan, and the Kol dialects ini, uni "he" &c., nea, noa, nia, ni, “ this,” eno, ana, hono, "that." Tuluva has also in-chi "here," an-chi "there.”

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