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his constitution prohibited the granting of titles of nobility. Probably he never took Mabini's paper government very seriously or even was aware of the contents of the elaborate documents that he signed at Mabini's dictation. It is certain that he never permitted such matters seriously to interfere with his projects, and had Cailles succeeded in capturing "the regiments with their generals" he would probably have secured his title of nobility.27

On February 2 a company of Filipinos deliberately came within the American lines and took possession of a small village, but on the demand of General MacArthur they were withdrawn. Notice was served on the commander that such violations of the agreement would not be thereafter endured. About 8:30 on the night of February 4 four Filipinos approached within five yards of an American outpost near the San Juan bridge and ignoring the command to halt were fired upon by the sentry. A Filipino detachment near by returned the fire, and the firing soon became general along the entire line. In the early morning the naval ships began sending shells into the Filipino lines. During the day of the fifth, which was Sunday, there was severe fighting. The Americans advanced steadily, and by evening the Filipinos had been driven from their lines and were badly demoralized. The American loss was fifty killed and one hundred eighty27 In this connection an entry in the interesting diary kept by Simeon Villa, one of Aguinaldo's companions in his flight toward the mountains, throws a flood of light upon the character of Aguinaldo. "On a moonlight night," records the diarist, "the honorable President (and others) were discussing the matter; and once the independence of the country is declared, we shall take a trip to Europe with an allowance of a million dollars to pay our expenses." On another occasion, "After supper the honorable President in conversation with B. and V. and Lieutenant Carrasco, told them that as soon as the independence of the country was declared, he would give each one of them an amount of land, equal to what he himself will take for the future of his own family; that is, he will give each one of the three men 13,500 acres of land as a recompense for their work. ... In all probability they will be located in the San Jose Valley, Province of Nueva Ecija, and the principal products will be coffee, cacao, sugar, rice, and cattle."

This diary was published by the government in 1902 under the title of Flight and Wanderings of Emilio Aguinaldo. See Senate Doc. 331, 57th Cong., ist Sets., Part 3, pp. 1980-2060.

four wounded. General Otis estimated the enemy's casualties at three thousand, but no exact figures were available.

The fact that the outbreak occurred just before the date set for the vote in the Senate on the ratification of the treaty with Spain was probably a mere coincidence, but to the suspiciously inclined it suggested design. The Anti-Imperialists and their friends in the Senate, ever ready to think the worst of their countrymen, charged that the conflict had been deliberately brought on by the Americans in order to influence the vote on the treaty.28 There is no credible evidence to show that the Filipinos timed the attack with reference to the vote on the treaty. Their representatives abroad certainly had advised an attack before the arrival of the American forces, and Agoncillo hurriedly left Washington for Canada on the night of Feburary 4, under circumstances which suggested flight. But there is nothing to show that he had any information other than what he could have acquired from a New York newspaper which published an account of the outbreak about midnight of February 4.29 Having learned of the attack, Agoncillo probably thought it advisable to be in Montreal instead of Washington. The circumstances of the firing at San Juan bridge were inconsistent with the theory of a prearranged incident advised by Agoncillo to intimidate the Senate by knowledge that the Filipinos intended to go to war. The Filipinos at that particular hour were unprepared for attack or defense. The expected battle came when they were off their guard, most of the higher officers being absent at Malolos or enjoying themselves at various entertainments in the vicinity. However, Aguinaldo had the draft of a declaration of war ready, and "at the first tick of the telegraph reporting the trouble in front of Manila, it was reeled off the old press at Malolos."30

28 See the speeches of Sen. Rawlins, April 23, 1902. Con. Rec, XXXV, Part 5, p. 4573, and Sen. Patterson, Ibid., p. 5915. The attempt to manipulate the records to the discredit of the American authorities was a failure. See the record contained in a speech by Sen. Spooner, Cong. Rec, XXXV, Part 6, pp. 6107-6108.

29 Manila is 13 hours west of Washington. Otis' message, filed at Manila at 8:32 A. M., February 6, was received at Washington at 10:52 p. M. on February 5. The New York Herald contained the first news before midnight of February 4, which was February 5 in Manila.

30 Le Roy, II, p. 19, note. For this document see Otis' Report, 1899, p. 95, Sen. Doc. 208, Part 1, pp. 104-106. A facsimile of the original declaration is in Harper's History, p. 123.

CHAPTER XVII
The Filipino Rebellion and the Days of the Empire

Nature of the War—Filipinos Misjudged—Aguinaldo at Zenith of Power— The Malolos Congress His Creature—Character of Leaders—Encouraged and Misled by Americans—Democrats Vote Supplies for War—Bitter Opposition by Anti-Imperialists—Military Situation at Manila—State Volunteers Remain —New United States Volunteers—Campaign to the North—Capture of Malolos, Calumpit and San Fernando—Minor Movements Near Manila—Lawton's Campaign Toward San Maguil de Mayuma—Fight at Zapote River— Situation in the Vasayas and to the South—The Occupation of Jolo—Spanish Relations with Moros—The Bates Agreement—The Republic of Negros— Special Military Government—Arrival of Schurman Commission—Negotiations with Insurgents—Statement of American Intentions—Efforts at Conciliation—The Insurgents Confident of Foreign Intervention—Aguinaldo Inclined to Peace—Influence of Mabini and Agoncillo—The Congress Votes for Peace—Pacification in Sight—Reversal of Policy by Luna—The End of Filipino Government—Negotiations for Peace End in Failure—Military Despotism—Final Campaign in the North—Searching for the Enemy—Escape of Aguinaldo—Death of General Lawton—End of Organized Warfare—General MacArthur Succeeds General Otis—Character and Work of General Otis —New Phase of the Insurrection—Guerrilla Warfare—Attitude of Municipalities—People of Luzon Support Guerrillas—Beginning of Educational Work.

The attempt by the Filipinos to overthrow the American power in the Philippines is commonly referred to as an insurrection. It was, in fact a rebellion. Its legal status was correctly stated by Apolinario Mabini, the "brains of Aguinaldo's government"—in an article published in La Independencia after he had retired from Aguinaldo's cabinet. "Our present war with the Americans," he wrote, "is in fact and in law a revolution, and not an international war, because at no time did we ever succeed in expelling either the Spaniards or the Americans who took the place of the former. It can not be denied that the Treaty of Paris legitimates the grant to the United States of the right of Spain to the Philippines, . . . it is also unquestionable that were it not for the cession, Spain could, if she felt sufficiently strong again, lawfully make war upon us to recover her old empire, unless she be obliged to recognize our independence."

After thus recognizing the title of the United States and the legality of her use of force to suppress the revolt Mabini adds: "We here use as the criterion of legality not absolute but relative justice, established by tacit concurrence of the Great Powers, baptized by the pompous name of International Law for their own glory and aggrandizement and to the prejudice and ruin of weak nations." Rebelling thus against the lawful authority of their sovereign, they were like all other rebels, obliged to appeal to principles asserted to be over and beyond the law and to justify their actions by the successful use of force.

When the Schurman Commission was appointed the war with Spain was over, and it was expected that most of the army would soon be returned to the United States. The commission was instructed to study conditions and recommend a suitable government for the people. This work had now to be subordinated to purely military considerations.

The general situation was decidedly unpleasant. The efforts of the Americans in Manila to avoid an armed conflict had failed. The war was a sort of by-product of the war with Spain.1 And yet it came as a surprise to most Americans. That these people, insignificant in numbers and resources, would seriously attempt to oppose the military power of the United States did not seem within the range

1 The idea prevailed very generally that the uprising might have been prevented if the situation had been handled with greater firmness. Mr. Whitelaw Reid, in an address at Princeton University in the autumn of 1899, on Our Duty in the Philippines, said that the difficulties then existing in the islands were largely of our own making. "We have not the knowledge to say just who, or whether any man or body, is wholly at fault. What we do know is that the course of hesitation and inaction which the nation pursued in face of an openly maturing attack was precisely the policy sure to give us the greatest trouble, and that we are now paying the penalty. If the opposite course had been taken at the outset,—unless all the testimony from foreign observers, and from our own officers is at fault,—there would have been either no outbreak at all, or only one easily controlled and settled to the gen

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