tion, if not the "paramount issue" in the campaign. The Democratic platform in 1900 announced that:

"We declare again that all governments instituted among men derive their just powers from the consent of the governed; that any government not based upon the consent of the governed is a tyranny, and that to impose upon any people a government of force is to substitute the methods of imperialism for those of a republic.

"We assert that no nation can long endure half republic and half empire, and we warn the American people that imperialism abroad will lead quickly and inevitably to despotism at home.

"We condemn and denounce the Philippine policy of the present administration.

"The Filipinos can not be citizens without endangering our civilization; they can not be subjects without imperiling our form of government; and as we are not willing to surrender our civilization or to convert the Republic into an empire, we favor kept in power only by the lavish contributions of the 'trusts,' whatever they may have been; but the people of the United States were growing weary of their domination and were about to return to the true principles of Washington and Jefferson. The illustrious Americans 'Crosvy Sticcney and Vartridge' were all laboring for the cause of Philippine independence. Long lists of American cities were given in which the illustrious orators, Mr. Croshy and Mr. Schurts had addressed applauding crowds upon the necessity of throttling the 'trusts' because they opposed recognition of the rights of the Filipinos. In August, 1900, ‘News from our agents in America' informed its readers that

66

'W. J. Bryan has stated in a speech that his first act upon being elected president will be to declare the independence of the Philippines.'

"On June 16, 1900, Gen. Riego de Dios, acting head of the Hong Kong junta, wrote to Gen. I. Torres (P. I. R., 530), the guerrilla commander in Bulacán Province, and assured him that a little more endurance, a little more constancy, was all that was needed to secure the attainment of their ends. According to their advices the Democratic party would win in the approaching elections in the United States, and—‘it is certain that Bryan is the incarnation of our independence.'

"The number of men opposed to the policy of the administration was said to be continually increasing.

"The attitude of those who protect us can not be more manly and resolute. 'Continue the struggle until you conquer or die,' Mr. Beecher of the League of Cincinnati writes us. I shall always be the champion of the cause of justice and of truth,' says Mr. Winslow, of the Boston League. 'Not even threats of imprisonment will make me cease in my undertaking,' Doctor Denziger assures us. I shall accept every risk and responsibility,' says Doctor Leverson. If it is necessary, I shall go so far as to provoke a revolution in my own country,' repeats Mr. Udell. It is necessary to save the Republic and democracy from the abyss of imperialism' is cried by all, and the sound of this cry is ever rising louder and louder." Taylor, 13, 15 and 16, KK. E. Quoted in Worcester, I, Chap. X.

an immediate declaration of the Nation's purpose to give the Filipinos, first, a stable form of government; second, independence, and, third, protection from outside interference, such as has been given for nearly a century to the Republics of Central and South America."

The Republican platform approved what the administration had done and promised to the Filipinos the largest measure of self-government consistent with their welfare.82

The reelection of McKinley was a deathblow to the AntiImperialist movement in the United States. It was also a bitter disappointment to the insurgent leaders in the Philippines. Very soon after the election the commission announced that there was very little life left in the remains of the insurrection and that "no one breathed more freely and took more enjoyment in the result as announced than the conservative Filipino people.'

34

9933

The opportune moment was now seized to strike a final blow at what remained of the insurrection. More than a year earlier General MacArthur had urged General Otis to inaugurate a more drastic policy. The clemency shown captured soldiers, and particularly the people who rendered assistance to the guerrillas, seems to have been misconstrued. Such extreme leniency had been regarded as evidence of conscious weakness and had induced grave doubts in the minds of the Filipinos as to the wisdom of casting in their lots with a power which at any time might decide to abandon the islands. From his point of view the native might very reasonably conclude that it were better to be a patriot and stand well with the insurgent leaders, who punished disloyalty by death, than to adhere to the foolish Americans, who, at the

32 See the Republican and Democratic text-books for 1900. 33 Rept. Phil. Com., 1901, p. 34.

The reports as to conditions sent by the military governor and subsequently by the commission were often unduly optimistic. The inevitable tendency was to overrate the value of the friendly assurances of the natives with whom they were in personal contact and to underestimate the strength of their natural and racial dislike of the conquering Americans. Every oriental is an expert in the art of dissimulation, and even the Spaniard does not, when he presents you with his house, expect you to take him literally and demand a deed thereof.

34 Rept. War Dept., 1900, I, Part 8, pp. 59, 60.

worst, did no more than disarm and admonish the citizen discovered trafficking with the guerrillas. The insurgent leaders adhered inflexibly to the rule that every native who resided within the limits of the Philippines owed active allegiance to their cause, and the observance of the doctrine was enforced through secret agents even within the limits of American garrisons. Punishments, even capital, were administered without resistance by the victims. A strange mixture of apathy, ignorance, timidity and loyalty which incite our pity induced most of the people to acquiesce in this assumed authority. Even assassination was accepted apparently as a legitimate exercise of power. Many individuals marked for death would not appeal to the Americans for the protection which was at hand, or give the information which would insure their safety.

On December 20, 1900, there was issued another proclamation designed to inform the people that in the future the strict rules of war would be enforced against all who violated them. The law relating to occupied places was something of a revelation to them.

"The white population," says General MacArthur, “especially the part thereof residing in Manila, was perhaps quite as much, if not more, surprised at the views propounded and the penalties prescribed than the natives. The Filipino military leaders probably had never before been informed of the existence of such a law and the possible application thereof to their own actions. As an educational document the effect was immediate and farreaching. From the date of its issuance secret resistance and apathy began to diminish, and kidnaping and assassination were much abated. In a very short time these malign influences were to a great extent superseded by cooperation and active interest in American affairs. Rarely in war has a single document been so instrumental in influencing ultimate results."35

35 House Doc. 2, 57th Cong., 1st Sess., Part 2, pp. 91, 93. For the order directing strict enforcement of the law as outlined in the proclamation, see p. 93. "In December Gen. MacArthur issued a proclamation warning all who were aiding and abetting the insurrections by furnishing funds and other assistance that they would be severely dealt with. Many persons suspected of complicity in offenses of this description were imprisoned, and it ceased to be regarded as an innocent amusement to enjoy life within American garrisons and assist the guerrillas in the woods and mountains." Rept. Phil. Com., 1901.

To remove any lingering doubts from the minds of those who were skeptical as to the seriousness of the government a number of the most active politicians and military leaders were banished to the island of Guam until such time as conditions in the Philippines should justify their return.36 All persons captured in the field were thereafter to be retained in custody.

The policy declared in this proclamation and the removal of the leading agitators encouraged conservative Filipinos to organize for effective peace work. This movement resulted in the creation of the first Filipino political party under American government. Manifestly such a party might become an important factor for crystallizing such sentiment as existed favorable to the United States and thus advance the work of pacification. Both the military governor and the members of the commission encouraged the organization of this party."

Soon after the amnesty proclamation of December 20 was issued, Arellano, Torres, Buencamino and others met in Manila and adopted certain principles which for a time appeared satisfactory to the intelligent natives. The organization included the leading men of the islands who were not under arms, many of whom are still serving the government with distinction to themselves and their countrymen. Their platform called for the recognition of American sovereignty, guarantees for personal property and religious rights, local self-government, free education, a legislative body with a Senate and House of Representatives, representation in the American Congress, a governor-general

36 Gen. Order No. 4, Jan. 4, 1901. Under this order Ricarte, Pio Del Pilar, Mabini, Pablo Ocampo, Trias, Manuel E. Roxas and others were sent to Guam. During the month of January, 1901, many others of the irreconcilables were also deported.

37 "There was an organized political party in 1900 called the Federal party, which advocated permanent annexation of the Philippines to the United States, to become later a state of the Union. That party I think lived about two years. They found more opposition in this country than in the Philippines. They did not find any one in the United States from the President, then Governor of the Islands, down, who ever entertained the idea of bringing the Philippines into the Union as a State. In fact, President Taft, testifying before the Insular Committee at that time, said: 'I never encouraged the idea'-the hope of Statehood." Testimony of Manuel Quezon, before Com. on Ins. Affairs, Feb. 24, 1913. Hearing on H. R. 200049 (Jones Bill).

with the power of veto, governors of provinces to be appointed by the governor-general with the advice and consent of the Senate, a judiciary to be appointed by the governor-general, and, ultimately, the admission of the islands as a state of the American Union.38

Three months after assuming its legislative duties the commission was able to report that forty-seven laws had been enacted. A year later Secretary Root called the attention of Congress to two hundred and sixty-three Philippine statutes, and expressed the hope that the work of the commission would "receive the approval which I believe it merits for its high quality of constructive ability, its wise adaptation to the ends desirable to be accomplished, and its faithful adherence to the principles controlling our government."

The most important of these statutes were the results of patient study of actual conditions by the military and civil authorities. While having no greater legal force than the orders of a military commander, they were for all practical purposes statutes. They had been publicly introduced into the formal body which the president had designated to exercise the legislative power, subject to his approval, and had been duly printed, discussed and passed according to the ordinary procedure of legislative bodies.

The Philippines thus at that early date had all the practical advantages of having the legislative separated from the executive authority; the laws matured under the influence of public discussion and deliberation; the laws certain, permanent and known; and the public money expended only pursuant to previous appropriations duly made, so that official accountability could be enforced by a rigid system of audit, testing the accounts of all disbursing officers from the lowest to the highest by reference to a fixed standard of lawful authority.39

The idea was universally prevalent that the personnel of the

38 Dr. Pardo de Tavero, Filipe Buencamino, and Florentine Torres subsequently wrote detailed accounts of the organization and purposes of the Federal party. See H. Doc. 2, 56 Cong., 2nd Sess., Pt. 2, p. 114, for these statements and also the platform of the party. The party was short lived, being succeeded by the Progresista party.

39 Rept. Secy. of War, 1901.