words of Horace, at mihi plaudo ipse domi. But I wish Boston manufacturing meeting.-It appears from not to impute any motive but that of mistaken opinion: proceedings of this meeting just published, that the ma we have matter of fact enough to work on, of a charac-facturers, delegates to congress, were charged at ter too manifest to be mistaken. We had fully hoped sir, that by yielding continually during ten years discussion of the tart principle, the pretensions of the manufacturers would ere long come to a close. From the year 1816 to 1824, we never combatted on the pretence that money was improperly taken out of our pockets; but on the principle that the laws complained of were infractions of the constitution; that the power of enacting them, was no where clearly, undeniably and expressively given; but was assumed under forced and starmed constructions, and expressions too broad and general, too vague and indistinct, to justify the usurpation; that the construction given to the clause of regulating commerce could not extend to the protection of home manufactures never thought of in the convention that such a construction operated so unequally that it could never have been the intended meaning of our constitution, or could never have been considered as a harmony with the spirit of fairness and equality which dictated and pervades that instrument.-We hoped therefore, during this period, that the very dubious right of laying protecting duties would at length be given up.— But our hopes were in vain; and we found it as we still find, that voracious appetite of monopoly is insatiable: the more we give up, the more we are required to abandon. We have experienced nothing but a succession of irritations: claim succeeding claim, and encroachment treading on the heels of encroachment, without mitigation of the past or termination in prospect. meeting with not "acting in good faith" towards the g ers of wool. In answer to tus charge, a Mr. Brow Boston, who (was one of the lobby members, whose duct was thus arraigned,) rose to defend himself, said "He had the honor, during the late session of congr to represent in part the mterests of the manufacture wool in Massachusetts, betore the committee of ma factures both of the house of representatives and of senate of the United States. He and his associates been sent there by the manufacturers, and not by growers. The memorial to congress, adopted at å la mecting of manufacturers, held in this city, set forth one great cause of their depressed condition, the duties on foreign wool. The wool growers in Vir and Ohio, sent delegates to Washington to represent interests; they were heard before the committee on nufactures, and proposed a prospective annually incr ing duty of two per cent. This was all the wool gro asked. The committee however thought that this not enough, and made a bill which laid the duty at tla tive per cent, to take effect one year after the duty sh go into operation. The delegates from this state gued in vain before the committee, that prohibiti foreign wool would not benefit the farmer, if the n facturer was unprotected. A market was what the f er wanted.-Protect the manufacturer, and there w a market and a price for wool. He was surprised to the gentleman, come before this meeting, and accus delegates from the state of acting in bad faith toward wool growers. One of them was a wool grower hit We deem-rom the western part of this state, and though sent by manufacturers, he understood the interests o wool growers, and truly represented it.―rie per comended with me in the senuments I have just ad ed." Revenue duties were laid in 1790, 1793, 1800, 1804, 1812; most of which being laid upon import, operated in fact, as bounties on the home manufacture. ed them necessary to meet the wants of government; they were revenue laws, and we made no complaint.— The protecting duties came on in 1816, 1818, 1820, and 1824, to an amount well calculated to alarm us; and forming a tax altogether on the state of South Carolina moderately estimated at half a million of dollars a year. Indeed our citizens are not aware of the vast amount of taxes we pay. Repeated calculations have satisfied me that if 25 per cent. on the annual income of all who hear me, should be a trifle too high, it is near enough to the truth to be assumed. touching the interests of the manufacturers.-These have certamly not been generally known to the A can people. They go far to account for the pecul tention paid of late years by congress, to the dei of the manufacturers. It is easy to conceive what eaded influence must be produced by the daily ane Sent importunities of agents, who go to wash charged with calculations and statements artfully pl ed, with a view to present the claims of the manuf Now with the merits of this defence, we have no to do. It matters little whether Mr. Brown and other delegates to congress from the manufacturers state of Massachussetts, acted in good faith or not, at remarks are now noticed merely to call the attent the public to the fact, here disclosed, that the manut ers are a regular organized community-acting in p But the proceedings of the last congress, and the exconcert. That they are represented by delega tensive and avowed combination of the monopolists t Washington-who are suffered to make proposition this moment, demonstrate, that while there is a manufac- tore the committees of congress, and must very ni ture in existence in the U. S. it will be in its turn, a per-ly, intiuence the proceedings of that body on que severing applicant for that kind of protection which the pocket of the planter is expected to supply. Missionaries of every kind and description, theological and mannfacturing, look to the south as their harvest field; and I regret to say that they have done so hitherto without disappointments. Our good nature has admitted the giant foot of imposition; until lately without resistance or repining, the whole body will soon follow; and with it a system of tributary exaction without mercy and without end. Nor is their expectations of success dubious. Ourers in the most imposing form-no one can fail to pe bold and able representative Mr. McDuthe, found him- at once the decided advantages winch the manufac self obliged to declare in the last congress, that although possess over the merchants and agriculturalists the south was represented in due form, yet her voice was country, winie pursuing their mierests with suel not heard, and her interests were not regarded within concert, and unanimity. It is now manifest, that a those walls. No wonder, if a drilled and managed struggle is to be made at the next session of cong majority occupies the hall of the house of repre-m order "to give complete and efficient proteci sentatives, and wielding the power of the nation, deter- manufacturers —or in plain terms, to give them mines at all hazards to support the claims of the northern plete monopoly of the home market. it is foreign › manufacturers, and to offer up the planting interest on tation that is deprecated, and foreign fabrics must": the altar of monopoly. We know from the facts that in- fore be prohibited.—Mercury. advertently leaked out at the late meeting of manufacturers at Boston, that there is a mongrel kind of lobby legislature attending at Washington, that operates from without on the members within: giving such statements (uncontradicted) to the various committees, as may best secure the interest of the manufacturers, and directing and managing the votes, as the occasions may require. It will be reasonably expected that I should furnish some proof of these assertions; and here it is. I beg permission to read the following extract from the Charleston Mercury of June 23d last, with the well founded remarks of the editor upon the passage cited; which I fancy, this meeting will consider as justified by the facts. This is not quite upon so mean a scale as the i legislation which has made so much noise in the New York: but it is equally unconstitutional, and > more dangerous. The bargaming for votes, the's compromises, and partial statements, the suppre: ri, the suggestio taisi, the promise sinuated, the intimated, and the various maccurate and objectpractices to which this kind of external legislatio ihuence exercised on the measures withim, by t chimations of the lobby delegation without, can e imagined, and do not require to be specifically for the secrecy which will usually attach to the not admit of it. Have I not well said in my fort too natural attempt, to push forward partial and local interests under the stolen garb of patriotism, at the expence of national rights and general expedience. But although we may not be able to get rid of it in practice, we may well be permitted to allow for it in course of argument, and to rank it among the causes by which votes, are influenced, and partial views preferred to general good: for the fact itself is too well known to be denied. I do not therefore consider that tariff as having been passed by our national representatives in congress at Washington, but by the manufacturers and the representatives of the manufacturers. That this is a true account of the matter, I dare venture to appeal, to our members of the house of representatives then at Washington. Cotton Bugging.-A writer in the Natchez Ariel on the subject of bagging, says-"By the operation of the tariff the Scotch bagging is nearly excluded from our market, and we are forced to rely on the friends of that measure, our neighbors in Kentucky, exclusively for our supplies. They may put what price they please on it, and we must pay it, so long as they know we cannot be supplied through other channels. Hence we find speculators from that state buying up the articles at the enormous price of 26 cents per yard, and with a reasonable hope too, of realizing from four to six cents per yard.It may be said, the time has been when we paid 40 cents without murmuring: true that was when cotton brought 30 and 32 cents per pound." ses on the tariff to our representatives in congress, it is possible to get rid of this difficulty in legislating-this the manufacturers were a combining, club-meeting, ning, schemeing, petitioning, memoralizing, comning, statement-making, worrying, teazing, boring, severeing class of men? Is it any matter of surprize, they should get the better of the farmers and plantin every struggle? The citizens of this last named ss, live at a distance from each other; they do not enthe facilities of associating that a town affords; hence y are never alive to danger till it is just ready to st upon them; they are usually behind hand with the rmation of the day; they are too apt to procrastinate; do not act in concert and en masse; when public etings are called, it is, at a distance from their homes; y attend with inconvenience and reluctance; unused onsultation, and to concert in action, their deepest On that occasion sir, Henry Clay at that time a manurests seem hardly to affect them. Hence the agricul- facturer of cotton-bagging from Kentucky-at present, a sts have no special delegates to take care of their in- manufacturer of presidents, coalition-monger, and compests; they have no opportunities of being heard be- troller of governmental presses, moved for a duty on committees in reply to manufacturing representa-cotton-bagging so heavy, that his brother manufacturers [s; they have no concerted plan of opposition to a con- became alarmed, and refused to go the whole length ed plan of attack; however powerful the talents of with this truly disinterested and national representative! r representatives, they are of no avail where it is They did however agree in conformity to the general rmined to vote down the arguments that cannot be plan, to lay a duty, though less in amount, on cotton-bagwered. Hence it is, that the south is destined to bear ging.-The effect of that duty I beg leave to state from weight of taxes and impositions, without measure the "Natchez Ariel" of the beginning of June, 1827. without end. By and by we shall be driven to adopt e decisive measure when the power is gone from us. alth will be transferred to the north, and wealth is Ter. Every year of submission rivets the chains upon and we shall go on remonstrating, complaining and ctantly submitting, till the remedy now in power, will ooked up to in vain. Those who reflect upon the ress, cannot be mistaken as to the results of this nerican system." It is in vain that the force of argut is with us; the hand of power is against us and upon we are within its grasp, and nothing but determinaand decision can prevent our being prostrated. xamine the progress of this system for many years , and ask yourselves, have not inany attempts of your onents been successful beyond their own expecta- When I state sir, that Henry Clay was engaged in the 3? Has not every session enfeebied your opposi- manufacture of cotton-bagging, I state what was generally 3? Is not the proposed application, to the next con- said and believed at that time; and which has never, that s, the most daring and unjust of the attempts hither-I know of, been since doubted or denied. I am sorry ade? And yet, which of you can doubt of its success? for it. It was a proposal and a vote, by no means honore more let me ask the very important question, if able to him as a representative; and not in harmony with measure can be carried against you, what measure his general carelessness as to pecuniary accumulation.~~ot be carried? But Mr. Clay sir, who is a lawyer, ought to have known, you suppose that the efforts of the manufacturers that no man clothed with authority for the benefit of ever be stopped tili the principle of protecting duties another, shall be permitted to use it for the benefit of himtogether abandoned in our national legislature, you self. There is no principle of equity more wisely, more be mistaken. Manufacture is a hydra. You are not honestly, or more permanently settled. Would to hea1 from applications because you have rejected a do- ven it had been written in large characters and hung over or two. The motto of a manufacturer now and al- the speaker's chair? I am not sure of its effective opera3, here and every where is monopoly: to put down all tion, but it would be one among the principles of honor and petition, and to command exclusively every market. | honesty which have been strangely forgotten in that house. Compel every one to buy at the manufacturers prices A few years ago, Mr. Brougham moved in the house of to sell at the manufacturers price. Such is the result commons, that no member should be permitted to vote ropean experience: have we found it different here? upon a bill in whose passage he was personally interestfew words more as to congressional management. ed. No order was taken on the motion, because it was a fact well known to the members of 1823 and 1824, already considered as parliamentary law; with some limithe committee on which Mr. Todd was made chair-tation of a general nature, which there was no time then because he was a fit person to do as he was bid, to discuss. If it be not among the rules and orders of the ved all their information, and all their instruction house, it is among the rules and orders that an honest the manufacturers within the house, and their lobby man would lay down for his own guidance. The neglect ds without: that the manufacturing interest acting for of it in congress, is deeply felt at this moment in South selves and not for the nation, carried the tariff of Carolina. year: Mr. Todd the chairman who had become a ician, not well succeeding as a practising lawyer, was there by the iron masters of Bedford, Somerset and hany counties, himself not having an idea on the fet but what was supplied by the persons whose cause as sent there to advocate: it was those persons sir took the no small trouble with this man, to "pang u' of knowledge." That Mr. Baldwin, who with ore talent preceded him, was a lawyer sent by the ifacturers of Pittsburgh, and whose practice dependeatly on them. These gentlemen must be considerlawyers employed by local communities; pleading use of particular interests; not as independent ades for great national rights, or strictly what they t to have been, national representatives. I impute em no misdemeanor in thus acting. I see not now Sir, when the constitution was first framed, one of the leading motives to its adoption was to prevent one state from taking the advantage of another by inequalities in the custoin house duties. Ilence the rule of our federal constitution, that no preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce and revenue, to the ports of one state over those of another.-It is true, we conform to this regulation of the letter, but we mock it in the sense. Can any man to the north of us, be hardy enough to deny that the monopolists are now seeking in fact, that advantage over the south, which the plain meaning of the constitution has forbidden? If imposts must be laid for their benefit, and we are to pay them, can they call such a regulation of custom house duties, equality? Sir, I do not wish to occupy the fatiguing hours of this day, by saying all that may be said and properly said on terest and object of the home manufacture is monopoly in buying and monopoly in selling. this momentous question; other gentlemen must have time to make their observations also, and to supply my omissions. It is necessary however, whatever we may The oppressive and fraudulent conduct of the woollen hereafter do to show to the public in the first instance, manufacturers of Great Britain towards the farmers of that justice and right are on our side; and for this pur-that country, is very instructive, to shew the friendly pose the resolutions have been drawn up, so as to em- disposition of the manufacturer towards the wool grower. brace the leading principles we rely on. I hope, they Until the reign of Edward III. wool might be sold at may have a tendency (without much expecting it how-home or be exported abroad at the will of the agricultuever) to check the hasty, headlong current of representa-ralist. This was about 500 years ago, since that time, the tive injustice: and to shew, that it is not a republican sys-the woollen manufacture has been feeding like a vampire tem in any case, to sacrifice the rights of the minority to on the honest profit of the farmer, by interdicting him the interest of the majority. Least of all is it an Ame- from every market but one. The first act procured by rican system. the woollen manufacturers, to monopolize the homeSir, I have frequently herd phrases of what is called raised wool at their own prices, was the 11 Ed. 3, 1337, orthodox theology, so much approaching to my concep- which made it felony to export wool. By Ch. 2, none tions of blasphemy, that I have shuddered when they shall wear cloth, but such as is made in England. By met my ear. Something of this kind of feeling affects Ch. 3, no cloth made abroad shall be brought here. By me when I hear the manufacturers phrase of American 27 Ed. 3, (1353) it is made felony in any Englishman, system. Sir, I have always deemed that our American Irishman or Welshman to export wool. By Ch. 27 of system was in direct hostility with the European sys-the same act the punishment is declared for this offence tems: that liberty, equality, and honesty were our bonds in those convicted of it before the last act. 38 Ed. 3 Ch. of union, and constituted the pervading spirit of our 6 changes the punishment of death into fine, and forfeiAmerican system. That equality of rights, equality of ture of goods and chattles, lands and tenements. This duties, equality of burthens,, equality of protection, last punishment is declared against any person exporting equality of laws, constituted the prevailing features of rams, sheep or lambs, by 8 El. ch. 3-no foreign wool our happy institutions: but I am now sir to learn for the cards to be imported 39 El. ch. 14.-By 12 ch. 2 ch. 32, first time, that in the canting, cheating, cajoling slang of exportations of wool, incur a forfeiture of goods and chatthese monopolists, the American system, is a system, by tles against masters and mariners. By 13 and 14 ch. 2, which the earnings of the south are to be transferred to ch. 18, exporters of wool, their assistants, aiders, and the north-by which the many are sacrificed to the few;abettors are made guilty of FELONY. For the other under which powers are usurped that were never conced- facts of this merciful detail I am indebted to Rees's ed-by which inequality of rights, inequality of burthens, Encyclopedia, article "Woollen Manufacture." By 28 inequality of protection, unequal laws, and unequal taxes Geo. 3 ch. 38 s. 2, the felony of 13 and 14 ch. 2, is graare to be enacted and rendered permanent-that the ciously changed into fine and imprisonment, and so it planter and the farmer under this system, are to be con- continues. sidered as inferior beings to the spinner, the bleacher and Ireland, peculiarly from its climate, a wool growing the dyer that we of the south hold our plantations un-country is prohibited from exporting any of its wool any der this system, as the serfs and operatives of the north, where except G. Britian; by several acts of William and subject to the orders, and laboring for the benefit of the Mary, of king William and lately by 26 Geo. 3 ch. 11. master minds of Massachusetts, the lords of the spinning | And the admiralty is required by 5 Geo. 2 ch. 21, to keep jenny, and peers of the power loom! who have a right to employed three armed ships of the 6th rate and eight armtax our earnings for their emolument, and to burthen ed sloops to prevent the exportation of wool from Ireland our poverty and to swell their riches. This is the me- to any other country than England. rican system these gentlemen are pleased to hold up as In the year 1787, an attempt was made by the woollen the idol of the day; as the golden image, which they in- manufacturers to introduce into parliament, a bill of pains deed may be well content to worship. To call this sys- and penalties sequestering the woollen property of all the tem of fraud, robbery and usurpation, the American sys-wool growers, (the farmers),living within miles of the tem will sound to your ears as it does to mine, a base li- sea-cost, converting the offices and even the house of the bel on the American character. farmer, if wool is therein lodged, into a king's warehouse, liable to be entered at all times under burdensome, cruel, and ensnaring penalties. This was proposed to be done, not in consequence of any previous offence, but on the bare suggestion of the manufacturers, that the woolgrower might become guilty of the highly criminal act of selling his wool to any other than these monopolists.The scheme failed at that time. But the cruel spirit of monopoly was repressed, not extinguished. It is intended, and notice, therefore, has been lately given in the Leicester Journal of England, to introduce another bill into the now sitting parliament of Great Britain, still further fencing the prohibition of exporting sheep and wool and securing the monopoly of the raw material raised at home, to the British manufacturers.— See the Albion of June 9, 1827, p. 414. Sir, we hear a great deal of the prodigously extensive market these manufacturers mean to afford to the farmer: how much cotton they already take off, how much wool they are to consume. Their talse and exaggerated statements on these subjects, are absolutely nauseating. Sir, there is no proof that the cotton manufacturers to the north, consume one tenth part of our produce. We have no objection to sell to them, but their custom is a bagatelle. Sir, in the year 1825, Great Britain and France, including Switzerland with the latter, purchased 51,000 bags of cotton more than the United States raised in that year, when our exports, was 750,000 bags. The cotton trade of France and Switzerland is prodigiously increasing. In 1825 it was 230, in 1826, to 280 thousand bags: more than half the consumption of Great Britain. We thank the north for their custom upon fair and cus- Such is the present state of the liberal conduct of the tomary terms, and no other: if not, we can do without wool growers of England, towards the oppressed and inthem: and if they wish it, we will. But of all the ca-jured agriculturalists of that country; whose legislature jolings, commend me to the cojolings of the woollen has been made the constant dupes of fradulent misrepremanufacturers; to whose misrepresentations if the far-sentations. What happens there is likely to happen mers acceed, they will be dupes, beyond what I should suspect cajolary could make them. We can only reason from what we know, we can judge of the future only by the past. Permit me to repeat the brief history of the woollen manufacture of Great Britain, in the lan-ring a continued experience of 500 years. guage of my original resolutions: here; and I think it right thus publicly to state facts so authentic and so weli calculated to open the eyes of the destined victims of manufacturing monopoly. It is fair to suspect what may happen, from what has happened du Is it not dreadful that we are to be forced back into the That, the pretence of the woollen manufacturers to policy of the dark ages, and compelled to adopt a conafford a home market for the wool grown in the United ficting system of restrictions and prohibition whose impoStates-and that it is for the interest of the farmer to licy and absurdity have revolted even the prejudices of consent to protecting duties in their favor, is a fallacious Great Britain? That nation is at this moment throwing and fraudulent pretence; inasmuch as it is the manifest off the fetters of selfishness and ignorance, which our interest of the farmer to have all markets open to his congress are so anxious we should wear! choice, and to sell where he can procure the best prices Whether the motives of our national representatives, for his commodity whether at home or abroad. The in-are of the one description or the other, their proceedings in this respect, are indeed a national disgrace. God help us if these back slidings into the follies of the olden time shall continue? To what point of degradation we shall fall, who can say! of laws, equality of duties, equality of burthens, equality of taxes, equality of protection? That in the eye of our law, one citizen is as good as another? Do you call on me logically to prove this before an American audience? And am I bound to shew by elaborate argument, that if my earnings are conjured out of my pocket into the pocket of a monopolist who gives me nothing but fallacious promises in return, that I am a loser by this system of legislative legerdemain? In making these remarks sir, I would neither be understood to disparage the woollen or any other manufacture: they are equally entitled to encouragement and protection with any other honest pursuit, but no more; if I did, the sentiments and feelings of this meeting would not support me. We are all of us friendly to the manufacturing as we Need I show to this meeting by any formal deductions are to the planting and farming interests. We should be of reasoning, that no nation will be encouraged to sell, glad to see manufactures of all kinds flourishing through- who obstinately refuses to buy? And that our best customout our country. We are neither insensible to their utility, ers abroad, are likely to be provoked into justifiable reor to the various science involved in, and connected with taliation by the partial laws enacted at home? Is it not them. At equal qualities and equal prices we would pre- as clear as the sun at noon day, that if this provoked refor the home on all occasions to the foreign manufacture. taliation should take place, the monopolists will rejoice Whenever our fellow-citizen thinks he can do better in the success of the scheme, which in its consequences, with his skill and his capital as a manufacturer than as a gives them the monopoly also of the raw material? Our planter, let him do so; our good wishes attend him, and misfortune will be their harvest. We shall then be comwe all say, success to his endeavors. But we see no rea-pletely in their power, not only as buyers, but as sellers. son for protecting him beyond ourselves-for giving him advantages which we cannot in conscience apply for. If he cannot make goods as cheap and of as good quality as others can, is that a reason why his deficiencies should be made good out of our pocket, by compelling us to pay exhorbitant prices? What arguments are required to convince you that if ten dollars are forcibly taken out of your pocket at the will of another, without an equivalent in return, that you are a tributary to that other? I will not say you are robbed and plundered of it, because it does not become us on all occasions to use language commensurate with our unavoidable feelings." Shall I prove to you that the power of laying these protecting duties is no where expressly given by our federal constitution? That the subject could not have been thought of in that early day, (1827)? That the regulation of commerce between us and foreign nations, is a different thing from taxing our own citizens in favor of home manufactures? That the regulation of buying and selling abroad, is one thing—and of buying and selling at... home, another? Can you, by any means, compel this after thought construction, to harmonise with the equal spirit of our republican institutions? Must I show you at full length, that the nation can hardly be the gainer by the European system, of taxing the many for the benefit of the few? The holy alliance, the British ministry, or the combination of monopolists might perhaps succeed in making out such a case, but I decline the task of refuting it. I will not argue this point with an American-I will take it for granted here at least, that this cannot be an American system! Shall I prove to you that our commerce, that our revenue, that our navy are paralyzed by these attempts? That this is the way first to iritate the enemy and then to sell us to him the merchants have already made this too clear to be denied. Suppose a farmer in Pennsylvania should take it into his head to raise sugar, and the scheme should fail in point of profit, would the Massachusetts manufacturer consent to make up the loss of this injudicious speculation? Now a farmer or a planter like a manufacturer must invest his skill and capital on his own responsibility—at his own risk; and not at the risk of those who are with equal injustice and absurdity called upon to share the loss, without being entitled to share the profit. Equality is equity says the law. What equality is there between us, if you take all the profit and I take all the loss? Nor is it any wonder that establishments so profitable as those of Waltham and Lowell, should entice a disproportionate and exhorbitant amount of capital into similar investments. The manufacturers boast of the millions upon millions that have within these two or three years heen employed in manufacturing establishments. Is this not proof undeniable, that before they were overdone-before they were suddenly and imprudently gluted with capital, the manufacturer needed no protection? Is it not clear that the profit was exhorbitant? Or how came capitalists to embark so largely in expectation of this profit? That sums so enormous, so suddenly brought on the race course, should cross and jostle and interfere with each other, and in great part defeat their own intentions, is in the usual, natural course of things: but must we be compelled to furnish this overgrown caShall I prove to you, that a protecting duty once laid pital with profits equal to the sanguine expectations of the on, was never taken off with the consent of the manufacwealthy lawyers and merchants who have invested it?-turer? Let the instance be produced to the contrary by Gentlemen who without skill or previous education, ignorant of all manufacture are nevertheless determined to Sir, I will not condescend to waste either your time or become on a sudden manufacturing nabobs-the founders my own, by any attempt at proving, that no man whose of a powerful and overwhelming monied aristocracy? opinion is worth having, will be hardy enough to deny. Sir, I can see no justice or common sense, or republican I have said, that we shall 'ere long be compelled to calexpedience, in these imprudent speculations and magnifi-culate the value of our union; and to enquire of what use cent expectations of our northern friends. to us is this most unequal alliance? By which the south But, (we are told,) the British have taken off their tax has always been the loser, and the north always the on imported wool since 1824, and can now undersell us.gamer? Is it worth our while to continue this union of What then? Whenever the consumers in England, are exonerated from an oppressive duty, is it to be laid by congress on the consumers here? Is that the argument? If it be not the argument of these monopolists, it is at least the fair conclusion from the argument they use: so that whenever Mr. Canning untaxes the people of England, it is a good and sufficient reason for Mr. Webster, Mr. Everett, Mr. H. G. Otis and his colleagues of the Harford convention, to tax the south to an equal amount! And this is what they are pleased to call "the American those who venture to assert the contrary. states, where the north demand to be our masters and we are required to be their tributaries? Who with the most insulting mockery call the yoke they put upon our necks the American system! The question, however, is fast approaching to the alternative, of submission or separation. Most anxiously would every man who hears me wish on fair and equal terms to avoid it. But, if the monopolists are bent upon forcing the decision upon us, with themselves be the responsibility. Let us however apply to the feelings of truth and justice, and patriotism among our fellew citizens, while there are hopes of sucI have now sir, gone through the introductory remarks cess. I would fain believe it is not yet in vain. which I wished to make on the proposed resolutions. It all events we must hold fast to principle: if we comprois still my duty to shew, that they contam the well found-mize our rights, and act from motives of expediency we ed elementary truths, on which our cause must ultimately trust to a broken anchor, and all that is worth preserving rest. But this is a hard task: how am I to prove the truth will be irretrievably lost. of propositions, more plain than any arguments can make them? system." But at Sir, I move the adoption of the resolutions as published in the Telescope of last Friday. Will you call upon me to shew that the very bond and spirit of our American uuion, is equality of rights, equality | PRINTED FOR THE EDITORS, AT THE FRANKLIN PREȘS. THIRD SERIES. No. 3-VOL. IX.] BALTIMORE, SEPT. 15, 1827. [VOL. XXXIII. WHOLE No. 835 From the Baltimore Our sheet is filled this week with various matter, ecclesiastical dignitaries do not lament his death. In " important and useful, suited to different tastes, with some political point of view, we have no cause to mourn for thing to please different parties. "The prospect before him. He was not even liberal towards us. In his corus" is, that we shall have a multitude of political papers respondence years ago, concerning the orders in council, to record of more than usual interest to the people; se- and latterly about the West India trade, while he shewed veral of which have already been inserted, and promise to resolution to maintain the supremacy of his own country, become the parents of others. We shall exert ourselves for which we do not blame him, we have always thought to dispose of them with temperance, regularity and fair-that he treated these subjects unfairly, and cannot forness, for public use, steering our course through the get his frequent sneers and contemptuous expressions in storm of matter steadily, and as smoothly as we can. The letter from Mr. Jefferson, with its extraordinary reply to the able arguments addressed to his reason. introduction from the pen of the governor of Virginia, will claim especial attention, and both will prove preg Gazette of Sept. 13. We understand that the applica IMPORTANT LEGAL DECISIONS. nant with unprofitable controversy, and give birth to feel-tion for a mandamus against the trustees of the Associings that had better been repressed. None other than ate Reformed congregation in this city, which was argued a very brave, or very rash man, we think, would have at the last term of Baltimore county court by Messrs. taken upon himself the responsibility of publishing this Taney and Winchester on the part of the petitioners, private letter of Mr. Jefferson-a letter which hundreds and by Messrs. Wirt (attorney general of the United of thousands who loved him living and revere his memo-States) and R. B. Magruder on behalf of the Rev. Mr. ry, would pronounce to be spurious, but because that Duncan and the trustees, has been decided by the chief they cannot believe Mr. Giles would send forth such a justice before whom it was argued, in favor of the trus paper verified with his own name, so repugnant do some tees. The opinion of chief justice Archer was filed yesof its parts appear to what they have believed were the terday. established opinions of their departed friend; and hundreds of thousands will feel as if they had lost him a his pulpit, with the approbation of the trustees, though. second time. He is made to stand opposed to the princi[So it is established that the Rev. Mr. Duncan retains ple of protecting commerce and navigation and manufac-not a member of the synod of the Presbyterian church. tures to be most decisively against internal improvements, and as fearfully apprehending a gathering of un-James M. French, James Anderson, and John RussellIn the Marine Court, New York. John Hudson vs. delegated power into the hand of the national govern- Clizbe for the plaintiff-O'Connor for defendants. ment, legislative, executive and judicial. We have before us his celebrated report on the fisheries, made when secretary of state in 1791, which supports the principle and demonstrates the expediency of protecting commerce and navigation; also his famous letter to Benjamin Austin in 1816, as strong a one in favor of manufactures as ever was written and we recollect that he signed the first law of the United States which was passed for "cutting down mountains" to make a national road; and well remember the pleasure we felt when, under the term "general welfare" there was found constitution enough to purchase and pay fifteen millions of dollars for Louisiana, and annex that vast territory to the federal union; which he himself, at first, thought could not be done with- violated this regulation, caused him to be tied up, and out an alteration of the constitution, and that would not had twenty-six lashes inflicted on his back and loins with That the captain, under pretence that the plaintiff had have obtained and was dispensed with. Under the same great severity--that the sailor had nothing on at the time elause states might as will be sold as added-by construc-but his shirt, and was considerably bruised and hurt, so tion; a guarantee that they should have "a republican much so that blood was drawn and he was scarce able to form of government" being given, at the discretion of the work. selling power. It is painful to feel compelled to mention these things. Our affections shrink at the performance of what duty seems to require. But this lessens not our respect for the illustrious name of JEFFERSON, while we heartily regret that consideration did not interpose to prevent the publication of opinions, expressed, perhaps, was in the habit of swearing; that it was sometimes blas under a deep sense of feeling on account of private dif-phemy; that the captain cautioned him against the conseOn the part of the captain it was proved that the sailor ficulties heaped upon the writer, or because of some other peculiar disposition of mind. He was canonized in the hearts of his countrymen, and this proceeding will not reduce their regard for the memory of that venerable and remarkable man. MR. CANNING. By a reference to our foreign articles it will be seen that this extraordinary person hath paid the great debt of nature. loss to his country, and, perhaps, as having an unhappy We regard his death as a great effect upon the condition of Europe. He rose from the people, and had a greater portion of liberality than befongs to other ministers of kings, and we believe would have accomplished much to do away prejudices and arrest the spirit of persecution, had he lived to bring his plans into operation. He was a man of uncommon talents, great industry and resolute determination. He is much regretted by the British people, but the civil and VOL. IX-No. S. on board the American ship Great Britain, on her last This was an action of assault and battery committed voyage from New York to Liverpool and back, of which French was captain, and the other defendants mates. It came on to be tried before Mr. Justice Schieffelin, Sept. inst. one of the justices of the marine court, on the 8th day of when this voyage commenced, certain regulations" It was proved by the witnesses for the plaintiff, that, were read to the defendant and the rest of the crewamong which was one threatening punishment to any one who should "swear" on board the vessel. the ground of the violation by the plaintiff of the regula quences, and on the morning alluded to had him whipt and the captain justified in punishing for its infraction; board of managers of the American Colonization Society, |