Mr. McDONALD. It was burned when I was out there.

The CHAIRMAN. Would you care to state whether you are for or against this particular bill?

Mr. McDONALD. I am for it, provided we do not get any two men to run the whole city.

The CHAIRMAN. You are for it, then, with reservations?

Mr. McDONALD. That is right.

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, captain.

Mr. McDONALD. Thank you.

The CHAIRMAN. The next on the list of witnesses is Mrs. Gladys Wheeler.

STATEMENT OF MRS. GLADYS WHEELER, WASHINGTON CHAPTER, NATIONAL COUNCIL OF NEGRO WOMEN

Mrs. WHEELER. Senator Neely, I am Gladys Wheeler from the Washington chapter of the National Council of Negro Women.

Mrs. Uhle, the president of the District chapter of the National Council of Negro Women, wanted me to say we are for this bill, S. 656, and we appreciate the efforts that this committee has made to bring this bill around. We hope that Senator Neely, and his colleagues will be successful this time.

The CHAIRMAN. We thank you for that hope, and we hope that your hope will be realized.

Mrs. WHEELER. Thank you.

The CHAIRMAN. Mrs. Ernest W. Howard is recognized.

STATEMENT OF MRS. ERNEST W. HOWARD, DEPARTMENT CHAIRMAN, FEDERATION OF WOMEN'S CLUBS

Mrs. HOWARD. Mr. Chairman, I feel like we are getting somewhat repetitious.

I am Mrs. Ernest W. Howard, department chairman of legislation of the District of Columbia Federation of Women's Clubs.

As I told you the other day, we have long, since way back in the 1920's, been for a national representation for the District of Columbia, and the last few years we have gone on record for the Auchincloss bill and the Kefauver bill.

We are definitely in favor of this bill, and for national representation and home rule for the District of Columbia.

There are so many reasons, Mr. Chairman, you have heard so many times, the Members of Congress have heard so many times, why we want it. We know there are so many constitutional reasons why we should have it as a people. And so, I think that I will just shorten my statement by saying this one thing, since we are a women's club, and we are over 6,000 members affiliated with the general Federation of Women's Clubs.

I believe that in the next election-as you know women have come to stay in legislation, and particularly they are becoming more and more serious in their thoughts of what is going on in the Congress. We have about decided that the thing that most affects the legisla

tion, that affects our welfare, is the type of men and women that are sent to Congress. So we are going to have to rely on them.

I was looking over some notes the other day on the percentage of the voting from way back. I tried to pick them up this morning, but I had mislaid them. But they were most interesting, from way back where there were about 82 out of each 100 that voted, and on down into 1948 and 1950, where the percentage went down to 42 out of 100.

Women, since they have been voting, have rather consistently held up their numbers, but we have reason to believe that the next election will be a different story. All of the Members of Congress are going to hear a very different story because we believe that since the women are the ones who are filling the uniforms today for the war, we are going to look at it very seriously, and every woman is going to want to have her say in voting, and who our representatives are in the Congress.

It may very well be that the reason these figures are low in the voting, getting lower every voting year-it may very well be since this is the seat of government, and the people in the States see that the people here do not have the privilege of voting, that they think: Well, that it isn't too necessary; that if the Congress doesn't think it is necessary for us to vote here, it might not be too necessary out there. And it might have very serious repercussions.

There are so many lights we can throw on it.

And certainly in the District of Columbia we in the federation are not those who feel we are senseless and have not sense enough to vote. We do not feel that we are overriden with crime and all that sort of thing. We have our share, but we do feel that we should have the right to vote, have a voice in our Government, and take a part, which gives every citizen a dignified feeling that he does have a great part in this Government.

And since now we are trying to impress the world so very hard at this time, why, the best thing that we could do, we feel, that the Congress could do is to give the people of the District of Columbia, who are citizens, who give a larger quota of soldiers than a great many States put together, and certainly in the payment of taxes more than many States put together-we feel that the Congress should immediately give the citizens of the District of Columbia the right to vote.

We, of course, appreciate the great stand you have taken, and your leadership in it, and we hope it will not be very long until we will have it.

Thank you very much.

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Mrs. Howard.

Mr. Jerome B. McKee.

STATEMENT OF JEROME B. MCKEE, PRESIDENT, FEDERATION OF BUSINESSMEN'S ASSOCIATION

Mr. MCKEE. Senator, I am Jerome B. McKee, president of the Federation of Businessmen's Association. That organization is composed of 24 representative business groups, having a membership of about

At our meeting last night, which was our regular monthly meeting, I was first authorized-and at that meeting I would like to preface by saying the reporter of the Times-Herald was present, as well as the Evening Star, so that any question of not having the facts in writing of that meeting last night can be substantiated.

The CHAIRMAN. You do not need that. Your word is sufficient. Mr. McKEE. First, I was authorized to inform you that any speakers that appeared before you last week before another hearing that you held had no authority whatsoever from the Federation of Businessmen to either speak for them or to infer in any way that they were speaking for the federation. We deplore the publicity that ensued therefrom, for which we are sending a letter to the Board of Trade regretting statements made by one of the witnesses which would give any indication that the Federation of Businessmen's Association were a part of the remarks of that one gentleman.

The CHAIRMAN. I think that is family trouble betweeen the Board of Trade and the Businessmen's Association, which they will have to settle.

Mr. McKEE. I appreciate that, but I wanted to, and I am glad to state that publicly, sir.

I was also authorized, sir, to restate exactly what we restated last year and the prior years thereto.

I would like to call your attention that this statement of last year was dated February 23, before the present war we are now engaged in under the UN. Therefore, I would like you to take note of how that language was stated on February 23, before Hon. John L. McMillan [reading]:

I again would like to reiterate the Federation of Businessmen's Association opposition to home rule for the District of Columbia as contained in the bill now before your committee. The record is clear as to our reasons of opposing this bill as was outlined before your committee. However, events move rapidly, and those that favor this legislation are pestering all the Members of Congress to sign a petition to bring this out on the floor. The possibility of conflict by our Nation

The CHAIRMAN. You are not opposed to the constitutional right of the people to petition governmental officials, are you?

Mr. McKEE. No, sir.

The CHAIRMAN. You refer to people who were asking Congress to do things as being "pests."

Mr. McKEE. I recognize, Senator, you are referring to one paragraph in the letter. I say that sometimes one paragraph is put in there, but the paragraphs together tell the story.

The CHAIRMAN. You do not object to the people of the District of Columbia exercising the right of petition guaranteed them by the Constitution?

Mr. MCKEE. No, sir; but I think when you have public hearings, sir. But to carry on, to do what I would constitute lobbying, and in many instances maybe they were not registered lobbyists, that is what is referred to in that paragraph.

The CHAIRMAN. I am sure no business organization or corporation is opposed to lobbying. They have spent a few million dollars a

tion, that affects our welfare, is the type of men and women that are sent to Congress. So we are going to have to rely on them.

I was looking over some notes the other day on the percentage of the voting from way back. I tried to pick them up this morning, but I had mislaid them. But they were most interesting, from way back where there were about 82 out of each 100 that voted, and on down into 1948 and 1950, where the percentage went down to 42 out of 100.

Women, since they have been voting, have rather consistently held up their numbers, but we have reason to believe that the next election will be a different story. All of the Members of Congress are going to hear a very different story because we believe that since the women are the ones who are filling the uniforms today for the war, we are going to look at it very seriously, and every woman is going to want to have her say in voting, and who our representatives are in the Congress.

It may very well be that the reason these figures are low in the voting, getting lower every voting year-it may very well be since this is the seat of government, and the people in the States see that the people here do not have the privilege of voting, that they think: Well, that it isn't too necessary; that if the Congress doesn't think it is necessary for us to vote here, it might not be too necessary out there. And it might have very serious repercussions.

There are so many lights we can throw on it.

And certainly in the District of Columbia we in the federation are not those who feel we are senseless and have not sense enough to vote. We do not feel that we are overriden with crime and all that sort of thing. We have our share, but we do feel that we should have the right to vote, have a voice in our Government, and take a part, which gives every citizen a dignified feeling that he does have a great part in this Government.

And since now we are trying to impress the world so very hard at this time, why, the best thing that we could do, we feel, that the Congress could do is to give the people of the District of Columbia, who are citizens, who give a larger quota of soldiers than a great many States put together, and certainly in the payment of taxes more than many States put together-we feel that the Congress should immediately give the citizens of the District of Columbia the right to vote.

We, of course, appreciate the great stand you have taken, and your leadership in it, and we hope it will not be very long until we will have it.

Thank you very much.

The CHAIRMAN. Thank you, Mrs. Howard.

Mr. Jerome B. McKee.

STATEMENT OF JEROME B. MCKEE, PRESIDENT, FEDERATION OF BUSINESSMEN'S ASSOCIATION

Mr. MCKEE. Senator, I am Jerome B. McKee, president of the Federation of Businessmen's Association. That organization is composed of 24 representative business groups, having a membership of about

At our meeting last night, which was our regular monthly meeting, I was first authorized-and at that meeting I would like to preface by saying the reporter of the Times-Herald was present, as well as the Evening Star, so that any question of not having the facts in writing of that meeting last night can be substantiated.

The CHAIRMAN. You do not need that. Your word is sufficient. Mr. MCKEE. First, I was authorized to inform you that any speakers that appeared before you last week before another hearing that you held had no authority whatsoever from the Federation of Businessmen to either speak for them or to infer in any way that they were speaking for the federation. We deplore the publicity that ensued therefrom, for which we are sending a letter to the Board of Trade regretting statements made by one of the witnesses which would give any indication that the Federation of Businessmen's Association were a part of the remarks of that one gentleman.

The CHAIRMAN. I think that is family trouble betweeen the Board of Trade and the Businessmen's Association, which they will have to settle.

Mr. McKEE. I appreciate that, but I wanted to, and I am glad to state that publicly, sir.

I was also authorized, sir, to restate exactly what we restated last year and the prior years thereto.

I would like to call your attention that this statement of last year was dated February 23, before the present war we are now engaged in under the UN. Therefore, I would like you to take note of how that language was stated on February 23, before Hon. John L. McMillan [reading]:

I again would like to reiterate the Federation of Businessmen's Association opposition to home rule for the District of Columbia as contained in the bill now before your committee. The record is clear as to our reasons of opposing this bill as was outlined before your committee. However, events move rapidly, and those that favor this legislation are pestering all the Members of Congress to sign a petition to bring this out on the floor. The possibility of conflict by our Nation-

The CHAIRMAN. You are not opposed to the constitutional right of the people to petition governmental officials, are you?

Mr. McKEE. No, sir.

The CHAIRMAN. You refer to people who were asking Congress to do things as being "pests."

Mr. McKEE. I recognize, Senator, you are referring to one paragraph in the letter. I say that sometimes one paragraph is put in there, but the paragraphs together tell the story.

The CHAIRMAN. You do not object to the people of the District of Columbia exercising the right of petition guaranteed them by the Constitution?

Mr. MCKEE. No, sir; but I think when you have public hearings, sir. But to carry on, to do what I would constitute lobbying, and in many instances maybe they were not registered lobbyists, that is what is referred to in that paragraph.

The CHAIRMAN. I am sure no business organization or corporation is opposed to lobbying. They have spent a few million dollars a