called so unexpectedly to this high office, Thou wilt consecrate his courage, his intelligence, his earnestness, his commanding abilities, his splendid manhood, to the highest ends of government that, through him, by Thy grace and favor righteousness may be increased in ali our borders, and that Thy life, and Thy truth, may go forth into all the world and the time be hastened, that glad time. to which all prophecy points and towards which all progress tends, when Thy kingdom shall, in very truth, have come upon earth and Thy will shall be done on earth as it is in Heaven. This we ask in the name of Him who came to teach us Thy will and to bring us all at last to Thee, in the name of Jesus Christ, Our Lord, Our Master, Our King. Amen.

President Hornblower:

LADIES AND GENTLEMEN.—I esteem it a great privilege and a high honor to be able to present to you, as the orator of this occasion, the distinguished Ambassador of France, M. Jules Martin Cambon. It is a rule of international law that the Ambassador is the personal representative and substitute of his Sovereign and is entitled, in the absence of the Sovereign, to royal honors. The Ambassador of the French Republic represents the sovereign people of France, and, as such, is entitled, at our hands, to royal honors. But M. Cambon is entitled also, in his individual capacity, to be received by us, as lawyers, with the most distinguished consideration. He has held high positions under his government, and has filled them with honor and dignity. In his capacity as Ambassador to this country he has placed us and placed the whole world under great obligation by the dignity, fairness and ability with which he represented, as far as international law would allow him to represent, the interests of Spain

during the late war between Spain and this country, when direct diplomatic intercourse was suspended between the two countries. It is well, too, that we should, in these days, when there is so much talk of Anglo-American alliance, and when the Anglo-Saxon race is boasting itself of its prowess, that we should remember that there are other races and other nations, and that we should seek to cultivate friendly relations with those other races and those other nations. (Applause.) It is true that "blood is thicker than water," but it is also true that sentiment is stronger than blood. The affection of the child to the parent of the brother to the sister-is surpassed by

So, M. Cam

the affection of the lover and the husband. bon, while we Americans are allied to our British cousins by lineage and by ties of kinship, we are allied to the Republic of France by sentiments stronger even than those of kinship. If we do not exactly drink it in with our mother's milk, we learn it in our earliest school-days. Wherever the American flag floats this afternoon over a public school, the names of Lafayette and of Rochambeau are being taught to millions of American school children. (Applause.) So long as the battle of Yorktown shall be remembered as the culmination of that great struggle which gave us our independence, and to which our fathers pledged "their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor," so long shall we remember that that battle was won with the co-operation of Frenchmen and that French blood helped to cement the foundations of our Republic. (Applause.) It is also well for us votaries of the common law to remember that there is another jurisprudence founded upon the Roman or the civil law and prevailing throughout the greater part of Continental Europe, from which we have ourselves borrowed many of the most important legal principles, and, as I had occasion to point

out this afternoon, the basic principles of our equity jurisprudence.

As Sir Frederick Pollock and Professor Maitland, in their History of English Law say, referring to the situation in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries:

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"There was the danger of a stubborn Nolumus, a "refusal to learn from foreigners and from the clas"sical past. If that had not been avoided, the crash would have come in the sixteenth century and "Englishmen would have been forced to receive 'without criticism what they once despised. Again, we have stood at the parting of the ways of the two "most vigorous systems of law that the modern "world has seen, the French and the English. * * * Which country made the wiser

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choice no Frenchman and no Englishman can "impartially say. No one should be judge in his own cause. But of this there can be no doubt, that "it was for the good of the whole world that one race "stood apart from its neighbors, turned away its eyes "at an early time from the fascinating pages of the "Corpus Juris. ** Those few men who were "gathered at Westminster round Pateshull and Raleigh and Bracton were penning writs that would "run in the name of kingless commonwealths on the "other shore of the Atlantic ocean; they were making right and wrong for us and for our "children."

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It is well, however, for us also to remember that the common law does not prevail exclusively, even in the United States; that the State of Louisiana brought with her into our Union the Code Napoleon, founded upon the civil law, and that that law prevails to a large extent

to-day in the great States of Texas and California, which inherited the Spanish law, also founded upon the civil law.

And, now, M. Cambon, I bid you welcome in the name of the State Bar Association of New York. I welcome you in your capacity as Ambassador of France; I welcome you in your capacity as an individual citizen of France; I welcome you as a representative of the civil law. (Applause.)

M. Cambon wishes me to explain that owing to his as he modestly claims unfamiliarity with the English language in public speech he is obliged to deliver his address in French, but I am sure we shall all enjoy hearing him, and the translations are furnished from which those who are not familiar with the language can follow what he says. I introduce to you M. Cambon, the Ambassador of the French Republic.

DES RELATIONS DE LA DIPLOMATIC AVEC LE DU DROIT INTERNA

DEVELOPPEMENT

TIONAL PUBLIC ET PRIVE.

Il est peu de fonctions dans le monde dont le public se fasse une idée moins exacte que celle des diplomates. Un certain nombre de personnes s'imaginent volontiers que les Ambassadeurs ne sont que les représentants officiels des souverains ou des républiques, dans toutes les occasions ou se manifeste la courtoisie internationale. D'autres au contraire, semblent croire que les affaires de ce monde sont conduites par des ressorts mystérieux, qu'il y a une sorte de conspiration perpétuelle des nations les unes contre les autres et que la diplomatie, c'est l'intrigue. Il est difficile d'imaginer un préjugé plus grossier. Un homme, qui, fut peut-être le plus illustre des diplomates du siécle dernier, et qui, plus qu'aucun autre, a lutté contre ces préjugés du public, le prince de Talleyrand, disait, dans le dernier discours qu'il prononça le 3 Mars 1838 à l'Académie des Sciences morales et politiques à Paris: “La diplomatie n'est point une science "de ruse et de duplicité. Si la bonne foi est nécessaire quelque part c'est surtout dans les transactions poli'tiques, car c'est elle qui les rend solides et durables. "On a voulu confondre la réserve avec la ruse. La bonne "foi n'autorise jamais la ruse, mais elle admet la réserve;

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et la réserve a cela de particulier c'est qu'elle ajoute à la "confiance." Le prince de Talleyrand savait mieux que personne ce qui peut donner de l'Autorité aux représentants d'une nation et le rôle qu'il a joué permet de lui faire confiance sur les principes de conduite qui doivent inspirer les diplomates. Le rôle de la diplomatie n'est