Yet, nevertheless, whether he would or not, the Imperial Prince became identified from this hour with the popular outcry for "one Germany!" No later than two months back, I saw in a town in the north of Saxony, a pamphlet headed thus: "No Austria, no Prussia-but one Germany," and in the corner, in a much smaller type, "Archduke John, 12th September, 1842." The dangerous distinction which six years after fell to his lot, in the form of the Protectorship of the Empire, had its undoubted origin here, and here his amiable and unaspiring wife, the Baroness Brandhof, was unconsciously foredoomed to the equivocal honours of the "erste Deutsche Frau."*

It has often been a study of great interest to me, to watch-whether it may be in the field of politics, or in that of mere philosophical speculation—the co-relationship existing between events arrived at their fullest point of maturity, and the aspect presented by them when they were only just beginning to be, and to mark with what

* The name given to Madame de Brandhof, by the unitarian Germans, was "the first woman of Germany," it would have been against their principles to have said Lady.

accuracy you may, nine times out of ten, predict the conclusion from the observation of the very first phenomenon. Not so, if you date your remarks from anything beyond that period, because there the simplicity of the first idea is already disturbed. Goethe said, humanity advanced in a spiral line, so that what are termed the "giant strides" of mankind are mere superpositions upon what has gone before, resembling them, but higher up in the scale. This is undeniably true, philosophically speaking, but in politics, the infinite continuity supposed by the spiral line, is broken into finite portions, which constitute so many distinct periods when these are minutely examined, it will generally be seen that the starting point, and the eventual term where events again remain stationary for a while —however much one may be in advance of the other are upon the same level, so that the great crises of history may be pretty exactly represented by a curved line falling upon a straight one: first comes the starting point; next, the deviation from the straight line (which is unavoidable, and which represents the inevitable disorder of such periods), and lastly, the term to be reached, where the cycle is completed

for a while. It may be observed, at the same time, that the extent of the curve being once given, the wider it separates from its base, the nearer the goal will be brought to the starting point, whilst, on the contrary, the less it seeks to leave the straight line, the more distant will be the end from the point of departure:* this, however, has to do with questions to be discussed later;-for the moment, all I wish to show is, that events at the very instant of their birth may be generally found to shadow forth that which they are destined to be in their full period of maturity. And, as an example, I will take the relative position of the

* Perhaps the very first spontaneous remark of the real men of the people of Paris (not to be confounded with the repris de justice and professional barricaders) who helped to overthrow the Orleans Dynasty was: "Why have driven away Charles X? He was honest, at any rate,” and one of their first impulses was to draw closer not to the higher but to the highest class; since then the revolutionary deviations have been so great, that it would be hard to discern a leading line any where; but it is more than probable that the ultimate end will only develop the idea manifested in the beginning, and that a recal of the elder and legitimate branch to the throne, will be accompanied by a firm reconciliation between the highest and lowest classes.

King of Prussia, and the Archduke John, on the 12th of September, 1842.

Union and not unity! Prussia and Austria, and Germany united! "so shall we be strong," says the scion of the Imperial House, and the sovereign at whose table he sits, accepts the pledge; here was the starting point. Soon! too soon, came the unavoidable deviation, the curve, and the idea of unity and not union overturned everything. It is true, it may be alleged that the goal is not yet reached; but if it is destined to be so in our age, who is there who does not discern it in the words of the 12th of September? "Austria and Prussia and Germany unitedunion but not unity." But to attain to this, these lands will have passed through what seemed most adverse from any such conclusion; nay, some of them still show traces of the opposing part they have played. And yet the goal can hardly fail of being seen, and it is upon the same level with the starting-point.

Once again Frederick William of Prussia and John of Austria met upon the banks of the Rhine, by the walls of Cologne; and then no toast could have been proposed to "Prussia and Austria united.” The curve was at its highest

point. But if now the same thing were to occur, who would think it strange, that after these two years, spent in the essay of impossible projects, the Hapsburger should in loyal amity grasp the Hohenzoller's hand, and that both should strive together for the real welfare and strength of Germany, which can grow permanently out of their union alone.

Union and not unity! Austria and Prussia united! that is the point towards which, through all the labyrinth of Central Administrations, Bundes-Commissions, and Interims, Constitutions of three Kings, Coalitions of four, and Parliaments of Erfurth, has constantly been tending, the one force which nothing ever vanquishes, the force of circumstances, what the French call la force des choses.

I am sorry to say that, in common with the greater number of her Rhenish neighbours, the once called "Holy City" of Cologne, was decidedly opposed to the sense of the Archduke's toast. The towns upon the banks of the Rhine, and the greater portion of the smaller states in this part of Germany, constitute, I should say, the only parts of the great Teutonic body that have been so infected by the revolutionary