as Hiero had been, would have found it very difficult to console them for the loss they had sustained. But Hieronymus, as if he strove by his vices to make him still more regretted, no sooner ascended the throne, than he made the people sensible how much all things were altered. Neither king Hiero, nor Gelon his son, during so many years, had ever distinguished themselves from the other citizens by their habits, or any other ornaments intimating pride. Hieronymus was presently seen in a purple robe, with a diadem on his head, and surrounded by a troop of armed guards. Sometimes he affected to imitate Dionysius the tyrant, in coming out of his palace in a chariot drawn by four white horses. All the* rest of his conduct was suitable to this equipage: a visible contempt for all the world, haughtiness and disdain in hearing, an affectation of saying disobliging things, so difficult of access, that not only strangers, but even his guardians, could scarce approach him; a refinement of taste in discovering new methods of excess; a cruelty so enormous, as to extinguish all sense of humanity in him: this odious disposition of the young king terrified the people to such a degree, that even some of his guardians, to escape his cruelty, either put themselves to death, or condemned themselves to voluntary banishment.

Only three men, Andranodorus and Zoippus, both Hiero's sons-in-law, and Thraso, had a great freedom of access to the young king. He listened a little more to them than to the others; but as the two first openly declared for the Carthaginians, and the latter for the Romans, that difference of sentiments, and very warm disputes which were frequently the consequence of it, drew upon them that prince's attention.

About this time a conspiracy against the life of Hieronymus happened to be discovered. One of the

* Hunc tam superbum apparatum habitumque convenientes sequebantur contemptus omnium hominum, superba aures, contumeliosa dicta, rari aditus, non alienis modò sed tutoribus etiam; libidines nova, inhumana crudelitas. Liv.

principal conspirators, named Theodotus, was accused. Being put to the torture, he confessed the crime as far as it regarded himself; but all the violence of the most cruel torments could not make him betray his accomplices, At length, as if no longer able to support the pains inflicted on him, he accused the king's best friends, though innocent, amongst whom he named Thraso, as the ringleader of the whole enterprize; adding, that they should never have engaged in it, if a man of his credit had not been at their head. The zeal he had always expressed for the Roman interests rendered the evidence probable; and he was accordingly put to death. Not one of the accomplices, during their companion's being tortured, either fled or concealed himself, so much they relied upon the fidelity of Theodotus, who had the fortitude to keep the secret inviolable.

The death of Thraso, who was the sole support of the alliance with the Romans, left the field open to the partisans of Carthage. Hieronymus dispatched ambassadors to Hannibal, who sent back a young Carthaginian officer of illustrious birth, named also Hannibal, with Hippocrates and Epicydes, natives of Carthage, but descended from the Syracusans by their father. After the treaty with Hieronymus was concluded, the young officer returned to his general; the two others continued with the king by Hannibal's permission. The conditions of the treaty were, that after having driven the Romans out of Sicily, of which they fully assured themselves, the river Himera, which almost divides the island, should be the boundary of their respective dominions. Hieronymus, puffed up by the praises of his flatterers, even demanded, some time after, that all Sicily should be given up to him, leaving the Carthaginians Italy for their part. The proposal appeared idle and rash, but Hannibal gave very little attention to it, having no other view at that time, than of drawing off the young king from the party of the Romans.

Upon the first rumour of this treaty, Appius, prætor of Sicily, sent ambassadors to Hieronymus to renew the alliance made by his grandfather with the Romans. That proud prince received them with great contempt; asking them with an air of raillery and insult, what had passed at the battle of Cannæ; that Hannibal's ambassadors had related incredible things respecting it; that he was happy in an opportunity of knowing the truth from their mouths, that he might thence determine upon the choice of his allies. The Romans made answer, that they would return to him, when he had learnt to treat ambassadors seriously, and with respect; and, after having cautioned rather than desired him not to change sides too rashly, they withdrew.

At length his cruelty, and the other vices to which he blindly abandoned himself, drew upon him an unfortunate end. Those who had formed the conspiracy mentioned before, pursued their scheme; and having found a favourable opportunity for the execution of their enterprise, killed him in the city of the Leontines, on a journey he made from Syracuse into the country.

Here is a sensible instance of the difference between a king and a tyrant; and that it is not in guards or arms that the security of a prince consists, but in the affection of his subjects. Hiero, from being convinced, that those who have the laws in their hands for the government of the people, ought always to govern themselves by the laws, behaved in such a manner, that it might be said the law and not Hiero reigned. He believed himself rich and powerful for no other end, than to do good, and to render others happy. He had no occasion to take precautions for the security of his life: he had always the surest guard about him, the love of his people: and Syracuse was afraid of nothing so much as of losing him. Hence he was lamented at his death as the common father of his country. Not only their mouths but hearts were long after filled with his name, and incessantly bless

ed his memory. Hieronymus, on the contrary, who had no other rule of conduct than violence, regarded all other men as born solely for himself, and valued himself upon governing them not as subjects but slaves, led the most wretched life in the world, if to live were to pass his days in continual apprehension and terror. As he trusted nobody, nobody placed any confidence in him. Those who were nearest his person, were the most exposed to his suspicions and cruelty, and thought they had no other security for their own lives, than by putting an end to his. Thus ended a reign of short duration, but abounding with disorders, injustice, and oppression.

Appius, who foresaw the consequence of his death, gave the senate advice of all that had passed, and took the necessary precautions to preserve that part of Sicily which belonged to the Romans. They, on their side, perceiving the war in Sicily was likely to become important, sent Marcellus thither, who had been appointed consul with Fabius, in the beginning of the fifth year of the second Punic war, and had distinguished himself gloriously by his successes against Hannibal.

When Hieronymus was killed, the soldiers, less out of affection for him, than a certain natural respect for their kings, had thoughts at first of avenging his death upon the conspirators. But the grateful name of liberty, by which they were flattered, and the hope that was given them of the division of the tyrant's treasures amongst them, and of additional pay, with the recital of his horrid crimes and shameful excesses, all together appeased their first heat, and changed their disposition in such a manner, that they left, without interment, the body of that prince, for whom they had just before expressed so warm a regret.

As soon as the death of Hieronymus was known at

9 Liv. 1. xxiv. n. 21-35.

A. M. 3790.

Ant. J.C.

214.

Syracuse, Andranodorus seized the Isle, which was part of the city, with the citadel, an such other places as were most proper for his defence in it; putting good garrisons into them. Theodotus and Sosis, heads of the conspiracy, having left their accomplices with the army, to keep the soldiers quiet, arrived soon after at the city. They made themselves masters of the quarter Achradina, where by showing the tyrant's bloody robe, with his diadem, to the people, and exhorting them to take arms for the defence of their liberty, they soon saw themselves at the head of a numerous body.

The whole city was in confusion. The next day, at sun-rise, all the people, armed and unarmed, ran to the quarter Achradina, where the senate was holden, which had neither assembled, nor been consulted upon any affair since Hiero's death. Polyænus, one of the Senators, spoke to the people with great freedom and moderation He represented, " that having

experienced the indignities and miseries of slavery, they were most sensibly affected with them; but "that as to the evils occasioned by civil discord, they

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had rather heard them spoken of by their fathers, "than been acquainted with them themselves; that "he commended their readiness in taking arms, and "should praise them still more, if they did not pro"ceed to use them, till the last extremity: that at

present it was his advice to send deputies to And"ranodorus, and to let him know he must submit to "the senate, open the gates of the isle, and withdraw "his garrisons: that if he persisted in his usurpation, "it would be necessary to treat him with more rigour "than Hieronymus had experienced."

This deputation at first made some impression upon him whether he still retained a respect for the senate, and was moved with the unanimous concurrence of the citizens; or whether, the best fortified part of the isle having been taken from him by treachery, and surrendered to the Syracusans, that loss