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que réunissant nos coeurs, nous employons toutes nos forces jusqu'à mourir pour notre religion. Cela est indispensable, et il est évident que sans cela il n'y a plus de salut pour les Musulmans, ni dans ce Monde, ni dans l'autre.

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Espérons donc en Dieu, que nous détruirons par tout les vils Infidèles, ennemis de notre fois et de notre Empire; que partout les Musulmans seront couronnés par la victoire.

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Tel est l'état des choses: que ceux à qui il ne resteroit même qu'un tant soit peu de réligion dans le coeur, en prennent connaissance, et rentrent en eux mêmes, nous sommes intimement persuadés, qu'ils se réuniront de coeur et d'ame pour travailler au maintien de notre foi et de notre Empire, et au salut de nos ames, et qu'ils mettront tout deur zèle à combattre pour la cause de la religion. Que Dieu nous soit un aide.

REPORT of the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Portugal to the Chamber of Deputies.-2d December, 1826.

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Gentlemen, Deputies of the Nation,

(Translation.)

"I HAVE twice already had the honour to give to this Chamber a slight view of the state in which our relations stand with the principal Powers of Europe. This day, in publick Session, I will not only repeat what I said on those two occasions, but also afford every elucidation in my power, upon this most important and delicate subject.... * Gentlemen. If the affairs with which I am entrusted, generally demand, for a certain time, a profound secresy, for the publick good, a period must arrive, in all cases, when mystery becomes not only unnecessary, but even criminal. All that I have desired has been to preserve secresy, so long as it seemed to me to be necessary; but I never wished to preserve it beyond that moment at which, in my opinion, we are now arrived, when the disclosures may be opportunely made....

When, on the 3d of August, the Lady Infanta Regent deigned to call me to her Councils, and to entrust me with the direction of Foreign Affairs, I found Portugal placed in very embarrassing circumstances. The Constitutional Charter had just been sworn to; but that monument of wisdom and source of felicity, which we lately req ceived from our immortal Sovereign, the Lord Don Pedro IV. was detested by a neighbouring Nation, and but imperfectly understood, by almost all the others: I speak not of England which, for many Ages, has encouraged our good fortune, and amidst every misfortune has always been our steadiest support.

d. But, Gentlemen, if the Great Powers were for a while undecided with regard to us, that indecision was not of long duration. The French Government speedily recognised the legitimacy and wisdom

of our Institutions, and, through the worthy Representative of His Most Christian Majesty at this Court, we have received repeated assurances of the friendly intentions of that Government. The Emperor of Russia, whose virtues and wisdom are so well known throughout Europe, was pleased, in an audience which he granted to the Minister of Portugal, to state to him, that He had always acknowledged the legitimacy of our Institutions, and that he felt the greatest interest in the prosperity of Portugal. The instructions given by the Russian Government to its Chargé d'Affaires at this Court (and which he has most scrupulously observed) leave nothing to be desired.

From Austria, what more can we desire, after the counsel which the Emperor has just given to that Prince, whose hand is destined, by the Founder of our Charter, for his Daughter our August Queen ?

Prussia has regulated her conduct towards us, by that of the Powers her Allies.

Before describing the state of our relations with Spain, it appeared to me essential to give the above brief sketch of our position with regard to the great Powers of Europe. If I have not spoken more particularly of Great Britain, it is because that great and generous Power is so intimately connected with us, that I should have been compelled, at every step, to cite the efforts which it has made, and proposes to make, in our favour. Were we to possess this Ally alone we could have nothing to fear.

In the month of July, when preparations were making to take the requisite Oath to the Constitutional Charter, Spain increased her intrigues, and the desertions from Portugal began. The Portuguese Deserters having not only been well received, but welcomed in Spain, invited their Comrades to commit the same crime. Some Portuguese, who had been raised to honours and eminent posts, acted as Emissaries of Spain, inviting the Soldiers to desert, attacking the legitimacy of the Lord Don Pedro IV. and endeavouring to prove to the ignorant Popnlation that the Constitution was inimical to the Throne and the Altar. To such a pitch of degeneracy did these Portuguese proceed!

It was, therefore, my first duty, on my taking office, to instruct our Chargé d'Affaires at the Court of Madrid, in the most positive manner, to demand, on the part of His Catholick Majesty, the fulfilment of the Treaties existing between Portugal and Spain. When these orders, however, reached Madrid, our Chargé d'Affaires had already declared that he would not take the Oath to the Constitution, and his Instruċtions, consequently, were not, as they ought to have been, effectually fulfilled. And I cannot help here remarking, that the criminal conduct of that Functionary aided, in a great measure, the bad position of our relations with Spain. Under those circumstances, the Infanta Regent determined to send the Count: Villa Real to Madrid, in the capacity of Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, in

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order to execute the orders which had been declined by the Exchargé d'Affaires.

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What, however, was the surprise of the Government, when it understood that the Count Villa Real had not been received at the Court of Madrid! That fact alone was sufficient to produce a rupture with that Power; but Government, aware that the Court of Madrid was governed by a faction, and wishing besides to give a proof of moderation in its principles, and of its desire to proceed in harmony with its Allies, by which it was advised, employed the greatest circumspec tion, giving Instructions to the Minister to employ himself solely to obtain the fulfilment of the Treaties, or, at least, the restoration of the effects plundered and carried into Spain by the Portuguese Deserters, and the removal of those Persons from the Frontier, as well as for their dispersion; inasmuch as we were authorized by the Treaties, to demand not only that, but the surrender of the Persons guilty of desertion and high treason.

It is evident that the Spanish Government ought not, for an instant, to have delayed doing justice to our reclamations: but it acted otherwise; notwithstanding the active co-operation of the English Government, which occupied itself with our interests as if they had been its own. And I may be permitted on this occasion, as a Portuguese, to express my gratitude to the powerful Monarch who presides over the destinies of Great Britain; to his enlightened Ministry; to the British Minister at the Court of Madrid; and, most particularly, to my noble and respected friend, Sir William A'Court, to whom the interests of Portugal are as dear as if they were identified with his own.

A long time elapsed, and nothing could be obtained from the Spanish Government, notwithstanding the promises repeatedly made, as well to the Count Villa Real, who, without any acknowledged charac ter, continued to reside in Madrid, as to the English Minister, and to the other Representatives of the great Powers, who never ceased to give counsels of prudence to the Portuguese Government: counsels, which it has followed up to the present moment, because it was evidently the most judicious mode of proceeding.

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His Catholick Majesty's Minister for Foreign Affairs was at length induced to declare, that the necessary Orders, would be issued for the restoration of the Articles plundered by the Deserters; that these Persons should be dispersed, that the infamous Viscount de Canellas should be commanded to depart from Spain, &c. But were these Or ders issued? I know not. Were they acted upon? Certainly not. The Captains-General, who ought to have executed those Orders, never received them. Is it possible that the perfidy and immorality of a Government could arrive at such a point?

Let us see what the Portuguese Rebels did, during this time, with the consent of the Spanish Authorities. Some, on the Frontiers, attempted, by all possible means, to disturb and excite the neighbouring

Towns; others formed plans to attack Portugal; others assembled in large numbers, and took an oath against their legitimate Sovereign, and against the fundamental Laws of the Portuguese Monarchy, going.so far as to proclaim Foreign Princes as having a right to the Crown of Portugal. Such was the degeneracy of these Monsters! And all this, Gentlemen, was allowed by the Authorities! All was in fact done at the instigation of the Spanish Government!

At last the moment arrived when the mask was to be thrown off. Whilst the Spanish Government were promising the restoration of the arms to the Portuguese Government, those arms, and many more, were given to the Portuguese Rebels, who attacked Portugal on different sides. Gentlemen! I cannot think on these horrible transactions, without being overwhelmed with grief and filled with indignation. May this be the only example of Portuguese disloyalty; and may history conceal the shameful fact from our posterity!

The Most Serene Infanta Regent, on receiving intelligence of the entry of the Rebels, immediately gave me orders to send a Note to the Spanish Ambassador, informing him that he was suspended from his functions, until the Cabinet of Madrid gave a clear and satisfactory explanation of the insult committed. Two Couriers were instantly dispatched to Madrid, with orders to the Chargé of Correspondence, who was there, to demand not only satisfaction, but a recognition of the present Government within 48 hours.

Should the Spanish Government attempt to satisfy us with words instead of deeds, there can be no doubt that its intentions are to continue to make war against us: I say to continue, because what it has already done is in fact war. But should that occur, and should we want assistance, we possess our faithful and powerful Ally, who, with the greatest celerity, will fly to our aid. England will not delay an instant to assist us; and, as the Government is already authorized by the two Chambers to admit Foreign Troops into the Portuguese Territory, it will make use of that authority with circumspection; but it will not hesitate a single instant, should it find that measure to be necessary for the salvation of the State. I have, therefore, to announce to the Chamber that, should Portugal be attacked, with increased numbers, I have already applied to the English Government, in order that, in conformity with Treaties, it may dispatch to us a force sufficient to enable us to resist our Enemies. I again repeat to you, Gentlemen, that we can, and ought, implicitly to rely on our faithful and ancient Ally

I fear I have already too much encroached on the attention of the Chamber, but I cannot conclude without first explaining, what I ima gine, principally, to have given rise to the proceedings of the Spanish Government. Comokas nganned medw of $1612 to vert9q352 28T

1st: The conduct of the Portuguese Rebels, and, above all that of the Viscount Canellas, the Marquis de Chaves, the Viscount de Monte Alegre, Magessi, &c. &c.

2d. The conduct of the Apostolick Junta, which holds great sway over the Spanish Government. That Junta, whose ramifications extend to Portugal, is composed of Men, who, covering themselves with the mask of Religion and of Royalism, conceal the most horrid crimes that infamous Institution is undoubtedly the most baneful pest of modern Society, and ought to be accounted the most formidable enemy of the throne, the altar, and civilization.

3d. The embarrassed state of the negotiations, owing to the Marquis de Moustier, Ambassador of France, in Madrid. This Ambassador must not be confounded with the Government which he represents: from the latter, as I have already observed, we have received the strongest assurances of friendship, and I have, as I ought to have, the fullest confidence in its sincerity; but, I repeat it, the Marquis de Moustier, by not chusing to comply with the Instructions he received from his Government, acted very inimically to the cause of Portugal, and rendered the kind offices which His Most Christian Majesty was pleased to offer to us nugatory.

I think it right, no longer to take up the attention of the Chamber; but should it think proper to take a more enlarged view of the state of our relations with Spain, I shall be enabled to lay before it all the Correspondence which I have had with the Mission at Madrid, and all other Documents which can in any way tend to elucidate the merits of the question.

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That my efforts may be useful to my Country, and that I may always deserve the name of a Portuguese, is the only glory to which I aspire. FRANCISCO D'ALMEIDA.

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MESSAGE of the President of The United States to Conis gress, transmitting Correspondence with The Netherlands, relating to Discriminating Duties.-18th January, 1827.

To the House of Representatives of The United States.

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Washington, 18th January, 1827. 110 IN compliance with a Resolution of the House of Representatives, of the 6th instant, I transmit, herewith, a Report from the Secretary of State, together with Copies of the Correspondence with the Govern ment of The Netherlands, relating to discriminating duties.

JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.

Department of State, 17th January, 1827. THE Secretary of State, to whom has been referred the Resolution of the House of Representatives, of the 6th instant, requesting the President to communicate to the House, if compatible with the publick

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