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to those whose official duty it is to bear the country through this Thus we have the new reckoning. The crisis which threatened to divide the friends of the Union is past.

great trial.

Looking now to the present and future, and with reference to a resumption of the national authority within the States wherein that authority has been suspended, I have thought fit to issue a proclamation, a copy of which is herewith transmitted. On examination of this proclamation it will appear, as is believed, that nothing is attempted beyond what is amply justified by the Constitution. True, the form of an oath is given, but no man is coerced to take The man is only promised a pardon in case he voluntarily takes the oath. The Constitution authorizes the Executive to grant or withhold the pardon at his own absolute discretion; and this includes the power to grant on terms, as is fully established by judicial and

it.

other authorities.

It is also proffered that if, in any of the States named, a State Government shall be, in the mode prescribed, set up, such Government shall be recognized and guaranteed by The United States, and that under it the State shall, on the constitutional conditions, be protected against invasion and domestic violence. The constitutional obligation of The United States to guarantee to every State in the Union a Republican form of Government, and to protect the State, in the cases stated, is explicit and full. But why tender the benefits of this provision only to a State Government set up in this particular way? This section of the Constitution contemplates a case wherein the element within a State, favourable to Republican Government, in the Union, may be too feeble for an opposite and hostile element external to, or even within the State; and such are precisely the cases with which we are now dealing.

An attempt to guarantee and protect a revived State Government, constructed in whole, or in preponderating part, from the very element against whose hostility and violence it is to be protected, is simply absurd. There must be a test by which to separate the opposing elements, so as to build only from the sound; and that test is a sufficiently liberal one, which accepts as sound whoever will make a sworn recantation of his former unsound

ness.

But if it be proper to require, as a test of admission to the political body, an oath of allegiance to the Constitution of The United States, and to the Union under it, why also to the laws and proclamations in regard to slavery? Those laws and proclamations were enacted and put forth for the purpose of aiding in the suppression of the rebellion. To give them their fullest effect, there had to be a pledge for their maintenance. In my judgment they have aided, and will further aid, the cause for which they were intended. To now

abandon them would be not only to relinquish a lever of power, but would also be a cruel and an astounding breach of faith. I may add at this point, that while I remain in my present position I shall not attempt to retract or modify the Emancipation Proclamation; nor shall I return to slavery any person who is free by the terms of that proclamation, or by any of the Acts of Congress. For these and other reasons it is thought best that support of these measures shall be included in the oath; and it is believed the Executive may lawfully claim it in return for pardon and restoration of forfeited rights, which he has clear constitutional power to withhold altogether, or grant upon the terms which he shall deem wisest for the public interest. It should be observed, also, that this part of the oath is subject to the modifying and abrogating power of legislation and supreme judicial decision.

The proposed acquiescence of the national Executive in any reasonable temporary State arrangement for the freed people is made with the view of possibly modifying the confusion and destitution which must, at best, attend all classes by a total revolution of labour throughout whole States. It is hoped that the already deeply afflicted people in those States may be somewhat more ready to give up the cause of their affliction, if, to this extent, this vital matter be left to themselves; while no power of the national Executive to prevent an abuse is abridged by the proposition.

The suggestion in the proclamation as to maintaining the political framework of the State on what is called reconstruction, is made in the hope that it may do good without danger of harm. It will save labour, and avoid great confusion.

But why any proclamation now upon this subject? This question is beset with the conflicting views that the step might be delayed too long, or be taken too soon. In some States the elements for resumption seem ready for action, but remain inactive, apparently for want of a rallying point-a plan of action. Why shall A adopt the plan of B, rather than B that of A? And if A and B should agree, how can they know but that the General Government here will reject their plan? By the proclamation a plan is presented which may be accepted by them as a rallying point, and which they are assured in advance will not be rejected here. This may bring them to act sooner than they otherwise would.

The objections to a premature presentation of a plan by the national Executive consists in the danger of committals on points which could be more safely left to further development. Care has been taken to so shape the document as to avoid embarrassments from this source. Saying that, on certain terms, certain classes will be pardoned, with rights restored, it is not said that other classes, or other terms, will never be included. Saying that reconstruction

will be accepted if presented in a specified way, it is not said it will never be accepted in any other way.

The movements, by State action, for emancipation in several of the States, not included in the Emancipation Proclamation, are matters of profound gratulation. And while I do not repeat in detail what I have heretofore so earnestly urged upon this subject, my general views and feelings remain unchanged; and I trust that Congress will omit no fair opportunity of aiding these important steps to a great consummation.

In the midst of other cares, however important, we must not lose sight of the fact that the war power is still our main reliance. To that power alone can we look, yet for a time, to give confidence to the people in the contested regions, that the insurgent power will not again overrun them. Until that confidence shall be established, little can be done anywhere for what is called reconstruction. Hence our chiefest care must still be directed to the army and navy, who have thus far borne their harder part so nobly and well. And it may be esteemed fortunate that in giving the greatest efficiency to these indispensable arms, we do also honourably recognize the gallant men, from commander to sentinel, who compose them, and to whom, more than to others, the world must stand indebted for the home of freedom disenthralled, regenerated, enlarged, and perpetuated.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

CORRESPONDENCE between Great Britain, France, Spain, &c., relating to the Affairs of Mexico;-the Occupation of St. Juan d'Ulloa and Vera Cruz by Spanish Troops; the proposed Offer of the Crown of Mexico to the Archduke Maximilian of Austria; the Demands made by Great Britain, France, and Spain on Mexico; and the Withdrawal of British and Spanish Governments from further Intervention, in the Affairs of Mexico, &c.; also Conferences between the Allied Commissioners on the Affairs of Mexico.-1862.

No. 1.-The Sec. to the Admiralty to Mr. Hammond.—(Rec. Feb. 4.)
SIR,
Admiralty, January 30, 1862.

I AM commanded by my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to transmit herewith, for the information of Earl Russell, a copy of a letter, dated the 1st instant, from Commodore Dunlop, with its inclosure from Captain Von Donop, of the Jason, reporting the occupation of the Castle of San Juan d'Ulloa and town of Vera Cruz by Spanish troops on the 17th December last.

Commodore Dunlop has reported that he had been joined in the Challenger by the Mersey, St. George, Sanspareil, and Barracouta, and that it was his intention to proceed direct to Vera Cruz, in command of the British portion of the allied expedition to Mexico. I am, &c. W. G. ROMAINE.

E. Hammond, Esq.

(Inclosure 1.)-Commodore Dunlop to the Secretary to the Admiralty. SIR, Challenger, off Cape St. Antonio, Cuba, January 1, 1862.

I HAVE the honour to transmit herewith, to be laid before the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, an extract from a letter from Captain Von Donop, of Her Majesty's ship Jason, reporting the arrival at Vera Cruz of the Spanish portion of the allied expedition against Mexico, the landing of the Spanish troops, and the occupation by them of the Castle of San Juan d'Ulloa and town of Vera Cruz. I am, &c.

The Secretary to the Admiralty.

HUGH DUNLOP.

(Inclosure 2.)-Captain Von Donop to Commodore Dunlop. (Extract.)

I FOUND the Fort of San Juan d'Ulloa, and the forts north and south of the city of Vera Cruz, nearly dismantled, all the guns, with a few exceptions, having been dismounted, and together with their carriages, powder, musketry, and various other stores, sent some 20 miles into the country, where, I understand, they remain for want of carriage to take them further.

On the 8th, about 1 P.M., the first division of the Spanish expedition, consisting of 11 steamers, passed this, and anchored at Anton Lizardo.x The following morning the Spanish ship Conception, taken some time since by the Mexicans, and lying dismantled off Vera Cruz, was wilfully set fire to and burnt to the water's edge.

On the 10th, about noon, the second division of the Spanish expedition, consisting of 9 men-of-war and 6 transports, passed this, and also anchored at Anton Lizardo. As this portion of the squadron appeared to be commanded by a Rear-Admiral, whose flag was flying in a paddle-wheel steamer, I saluted him with 11 guns as he passed the anchorage, which was duly returned. The same afternoon I availed myself of the polite invitation of the captain of the French frigate Foudre to accompany him in his gun-boat, for the purpose of paying the Spanish Admiral a complimentary visit.

During our visit, the Admiral informed us, that some time on the following day, he intended informing us as to what his orders and intentions were with regard to Mexico. We were received on

board with great politeness, and on our quitting, both the English and French flags were saluted with 9 guns.

The following day, about noon, the Spanish Admiral came up to the anchorage in a gun-boat, and after paying the Foudre and Ariadne a visit, came on board this ship, and proposed that a conference should be held on board the Foudre, and if convenient to me at once, which I assented to, and, after saluting him with 13 guns on quitting, I went on board the Foudre, where the Conference was held, at which were present the Spanish Rear-Admiral with his secretary, the Captain of the Foudre, and myself. At this meeting, the Admiral informed us that some months since Spain had ordered an expedition to be fitted out for the purpose of obtaining redress from Mexico for the various and numerous insults Spain had received from that country.

That when the expedition was (with the exception of two frigates daily expected from Europe) fully equipped, news reached Cuba that, in all probability, both England and France would join Spain in the expedition.

The two frigates having arrived, and everything being in readiness, the Governor-General of Cuba ordered the expedition to leave for Mexico, and the Admiral was desired, in the event of falling in with any of Her Majesty's ships, or those of the French Imperial navy, to ask their co-operation in demanding possession of the Fort St. Juan d'Ulloa and the city of Vera Cruz, as it had been the original intention of Spain to take possession of these places as a guarantee, before it was known that England and France intended. to take part in the expedition against Mexico, and that should the surrender of these places be refused, he purposed taking them by force.

I declined taking any part in offensive operations against Mexico, as I had no orders to that effect; the captain of the Foudre also declined taking any part.

The Admiral then informed us that it would have afforded him great pleasure to have had our co-operation, but as we had no orders to act he should demand, in the name of Spain, the surrender of the castle of San Juan d'Ulloa and the city of Vera Cruz, giving 48 hours for decision, but the holding of these places should be on behalf of England, France, and Spain jointly. If the Mexicans declined to surrender, he should use force to compel them.

In taking these measures, the Admiral pledged himself that in taking and holding these places, Spain would only do so for these Powers;

That in the event of the allies arriving, no opposition would be made by Spain to their landing any number of men in these places and holding joint possession;

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