No. 45.-Sir A. Buchanan to Earl Russell.-(Received February 24.) MY LORD, Berlin, February 21, 1863. THE policy of the Government in regard to Poland has almost exclusively occupied the attention of the Chamber and the press during the course of the present week.

In reply to the interpellation of the Polish fraction, a translation of which was inclosed in my despatch of the 14th instant, M. de Bismarck, in the sitting of the Chamber held on the 16th, read out a written declaration, translation of which is herewith transmitted.

This declaration, as your Lordship will perceive, having left matters much where they were before, and not having thrown the expected light upon the engagements entered into with Russia, the party of progress brought forward a further interpellation, in which the question whether a Convention had been concluded was categorically asked. To the question so put, the Government refused to vouchsafe an answer; but the House nevertheless voted that a debate should take place on the subject, in order to enable it to record its opinion on the supposed policy of the Government.

I have the honour to forward to your Lordship herewith a report of this debate drawn up by Mr. Morier, and I request your Lordship's attention to the abstract therein given of the speech of M. Waldeck, first, because it has excited special attention, and has highly exasperated the semi-official organs of the Government; and secondly, because it fairly represents the feelings of a great portion of the Liberal party in regard to the proposed intervention.

To mark still more its sense of what the exigencies of the present moment demand, the Party of Progress has drawn up a resolution to the effect that "the House do declare that the interests of Prussia require that the Government should abstain from rendering any assistance, or showing any favour either to the Russian Government or to the insurgents, and that consequently neither of the parties engaged be admitted upon Prussian territory without being previously disarmed."

This resolution has been submitted to a committee of 21 members, and will be brought before the House as soon as the committee have drawn up their report upon it.

The language of the Liberal press is unanimous in condemning the policy of the Government, but it is so much an echo of what has been said in the Chamber that a reproduction of it would only be a repetition of what is given in the enclosed report.

A circular addressed by the President of Police at Breslau to the Silesian press is not uninteresting as showing the possible proportions which the intervention may take. It warns the newspapers against giving any indications of the movements of the troops,

saying that all the advantages of sudden concentrations would be thereby lost, "whether such would be required for the defence of the frontier or for direct action in the neighbouring State (‘zü einem directen auftreten im Auslande')."

It is further worthy of notice, in connection with this subject, that Thorn and other important towns situated in the Polish districts have sent up deputations, principally composed of Germans, to protest against the rumours put about to the effect that the districts from which they come were disturbed, or that the inhabitants apprehended danger. I have, &c.

Earl Russell.

ANDREW BUCHANAN.

(Inclosure 1.)-Ministerial Reply to the Interpellation of the Polish Fraction respecting the Proclamation of the President and the Military Governor of the Grand Duchy of Posen. (Translation.)

THE Government reply to the interpellation addressed to them by a "No," to the first question, and by a "Yes," to the second.* They approve of the proclamation both as regards its form and as regards its contents, and they will avail themselves of the occasion which the interpellation affords them to declare what is the attitude they propose to assume towards the insurrection that has broken out in Poland.

This insurrection has assumed proportions in parts of the Kingdom, and especially along the Prussian frontier, the importance of which extends beyond the limits of the Kingdom of Poland. The incontestable object of the movement is the restoration of an independent Polish State, as nearly as possible co-extensive with the former one. Now, even if this object did not necessarily imply a craving after Prussian territory, the Government would, nevertheless, be not only justified, but in duty bound, to consider how far the attempt to overturn the relations of the neighbouring State, as by Treaty established, might re-act upon the interests which Prussia has at stake, and what steps might be necessary to safeguard these interests.

As any consideration of this kind would undoubtedly lead to the conviction that a realization of the objects aimed at by the Polish insurrection would threaten, if not the territorial possessions, at least the interests and security of the Prussian State, the duty of the Government clearly is to oppose itself to the movement, without waiting that it should assume larger proportions, and so necessitate increased sacrifices to put it down. The Government must expect

* The two questions were-first, whether a new kind of administration, mixed civil and military, had been introduced in Posen; and, secondly, whether the Government approved of the Proclamation.

that the Polish insurrection, although at present only directed against the Government of the neighbouring State, and without necessarily being ultimately successful, will yet, during its continuance, draw the interests of Prussia into a state of fellow feeling with it ("Mitleidenschaft"), the evil consequences of which will be the more sensible the longer the insurrection lasts. We have official proofs in our possession of the endeavours made to prepare the insurrection on Prussian soil, so that should a favourable opportunity present itself, it may at once be called into activity.

It is true that the Government feels sure of the fidelity and devotion to order of the great majority of the Polish subjects of His Majesty, but even in the Kingdom of Poland the instances have been few of the burgher and peasant populations giving a voluntary support to the insurrection. It is around the "noyau" furnished by the foreign emissaries and returned emigrants that the small nobility assisted by a portion of the clergy, has gathered with its numerous followers, servants, and labourers, and these elements have been sufficiently strong to give up to anarchy large districts, in which the life and property of the inhabitants are left at the mercy of every act of violence, and the peaceful citizens are forced by threats to serve the purposes of the insurrection.

If a similar state of things, to the same extent at least, is not likely to be introduced amongst us, it is nevertheless the duty of the Government to give timely protection to the subjects of His Majesty against dangers to which they might be exposed by violence or temptation. To fulfil this duty to its utmost extent will be the endeavour of the Government, whilst they are at the same time determined, where the public order may seem to be threatened, to avail themselves immediately, for its restoration, of all the means at their disposal.

(Inclosure 2.)-Report of Debates in the Prussian Chamber on the Polish Question, on the 18th February, 1863.

THE following interpellation was addressed to the Government in the sitting of the 18th:

"Has a Convention been concluded between the King's Government and the Imperial Cabinet of Russia for the suppression of the insurrection in Poland; and if so, what are its contents?"

The President of the Chamber having called upon the Minister President to reply to this question, M. de Bismarck rose, and said that the Government did not intend to reply to it. Whereupon M. de Unruh observed that, notwithstanding the refusal of the Government to answer the interpellation, he would move that a debate be opened on the subject, as it was one of such importance that the opinion of the House in reference to it ought to be placed

on record. According to the trustworthy information of the local papers, and to the reports given by members of that House, living contiguous to the districts concerned, it appeared that no movement of any sort of consequence had manifested itself in any portion of the Polish possessions of Prussia, notwithstanding which, two entire army corps had called in their reserves, which, according to the new organization of the army, was equivalent to being put on a war footing, and it was rumoured that two more would follow their example. This would be equivalent to the mobilization of half the military forces of Prussia, and he would ask the House what possible purpose such armaments could serve? Was the step taken because of the imminent danger of the Polish provinces of Russia setting up their independence and taking a threatening attitude towards Prussia? It was clear that, at present at least, there was no sort of probability of such an issue. Or was it an act of political friendship towards Russia? The speaker then went on to review the relations that had subsisted between Russia and Prussia since the wars of the Empire, and enumerated the various unfriendly acts of which the latter had to complain, deducing therefrom that it had never been the policy of Russia to see a great and strong Prussia grow up by her side, and that a subserviency of Prussian interests to those of her Imperial neighbour was from every point of view the most fatal error that a Prussian statesman could commit. He then adverted to the special dangers attaching to a policy of this kind in connection with the Polish question, as involving the hostility of France and England, and concluded by saying, that he could not bring himself to believe that it was the intention of the Government to take their proposed measures on the ground of the so-called "solidarity of Conservative interests," which was nothing but a league of absolute Governments against the liberties of their peoples, nor would he believe that the Government were looking out for foreign broils to get out of their home difficulties. If, however, an aggressive policy of any of the kinds described were to actuate the Government, he had the full confidence that the Chamber would not vote one thaler in support of it.

M. de Bismarck said he would be delighted to take lessons in Prussian policy from the wider experience and deeper knowledge of the gentleman who had just sat down, but he would be obliged to him to afford him the opportunity of taking them in private, or, at least, in some less public place than the Chamber. It was easy to bandy about strong expressions respecting the foreign policy of the Government; but he thought that publicity and the effect produced in foreign countries should prescribe limits to the abuse lavished on one's own Ministers. As regarded the armaments to which allusion

had been made, he denied that any portion of the army had been mobilized. Not a single extra horse had been bought for the artillery and cavalry. All that had been done was to call in the reserves of the infantry. It was no business of his to enter into an academic dissertation on the foreign policy of Prussia; and his position as Foreign Minister prevented him from expressing sympathies or antipathies for any foreign Cabinet. He could not, therefore, follow M. de Unruh in his retrospective review of the relations between Russia and Prussia; but he could tell the House that the Government were not carrying out a Russian but a Prussian policy, and that its object was to protect the King's subjects against the dangers of insurrection. It had been hinted by the last speaker that threats had been made or advice offered to the Government in reference to their attitude in regard to the insurrection. The Government had received nothing of the sort, and did not intend to receive anything of the sort.

M. Waldeck.-The Minister President has vouchsafed to give us a few particulars about the military preparations actually made; but he has maintained silence as to whether or not a Convention has been concluded with Russia. This silence can only mean that such a Convention has been concluded, for otherwise he would, if not out of respect for us, at least out of respect to the country and to Europe, have answered our interpellation with the simple "No," which alone would be compatible with the honour and dignity of Prussia. A Convention to assist such a State as Russia in putting down her disaffected subjects was a something so monstrous, that it was difficult to find the proper category amongst public acts wherein to range it. It could not for one moment be classed with a Treaty for assisting an allied State in defending itself against foreign foes. It was nothing more nor less than the sending over of gendarmes and armed police to a country whose existence had hitherto depended alone on police and gendarmes. And this was a part to be undertaken by a State that pretended to be at the head of German civilization! The man whose face did not flush with shame at such a thought was not worthy to be a Prussian or a German. (Loud cheering from the great body of the House, and groans from the Government 11.) The party to which the Minister President belongs is that which, in opposition to the votes of the Chamber in 1854, endeavoured to force the country into. active co-operation with Russia during the Crimean war; this, at least, was a policy that could be defended on political grounds; but in what political dictionary could the right term be found for a police intervention in behalf of a foreign State? The character of the present insurrection had been correctly described by the first