speaker; it was not an organized revolt for political purposes, but a cry of anguish raised from an oppressed country. Could it for one moment be supposed that the unhappy creatures who fled to the woods and the desert places for refuge against a brutal tyranny were likely to make an aggressive movement against the Prussian frontier. Our safety against such dangers must be sought in the contrast afforded by our own adininistration of our Polish provinces as compared with Russian rule, and not in aiding and abetting that system of Government.

The speaker then turned to the position assumed by the Government in reference to the interpellation. The Government treats us, he said, in regard to foreign matters as it did in reference to internal concerns. When we refused certain items of the budget the Ministry told us, "We will incur the expenditure all the same." When, in reference to our foreign policy, we ask whether a Convention, which may lead forth our children to an unjust war, and take our earnings from our pockets, has been concluded, we are told, "This is no concern of yours; we will not show you the Convention." Is it, then, so insignificant a thing that our children should be led forth to do hangman duties to an absolute Government? Not in the interest of Prussia, let it be clearly understood, is this work to be done, but in the interest of absolutism, as such. The only parallel for it is to be found in the sale during the last century, by the Elector of Hesse, of his troops to the British Government for putting down the revolted American States; but the day for a policy of this kind is passed, and Kings can no longer treat the lives of their subjects as private property to be employed no matter on what frivolous and Quixotic adventures. An intervention on our part-let us not disguise the fact from ourselves-would be damned by the whole civilized world. Austria condemns it, England openly condemns it, France rejoices at the opportunity afforded her of making herself popular at our expense. Even in Russia the principles upon which such an intervention would be based have of late come into discredit, and the Emperor Alexander has himself endeavoured to adopt a more liberal policy. It is true that in so doing he has incurred the heavy displeasure of those Prussian admirers of Russia to whom the Minister President belongs. Who knows? It is, perhaps, to bribe Russia back to her old faith that the present assistance is offered to her. There was a policy which Prussia might have followed; she might in a friendly manner have offered her advice to Russia, and warned her of the dangers she incurred by abandoning the road of legality and ordering the barbarous conscription which has called forth the present rebellion; and, more than any other State, Prussia might have expected that

from her such a warning would not have been in vain. But a sound foreign policy of this sort is as little to be expected from the present Ministry as a sound internal policy. The Minister President has protested against heaping abuse upon the Government in the face of Europe. But I deny that this is what we are doing. To point out the faults committed by the Government is not to heap abuse upon it, and the course we are following will strengthen and not weaken the State. What we do is to show to Europe that if the Prussian Government is on the wrong path, the Prussian people at least will not encourage it along this path. This is our business here this day, and if the Minister President will not lay the Convention before us, and if its contents are such as the papers describe them, we shall at least, by what we have said to-day, have protested by anticipation against it as against the interests of Prussia, as opposed to the principles of international relations, and as unparalleled in the annals of history. (Loud and prolonged cheering.)

M. de Bismarck in reply said that the speaker who had just sat down had declared that a simple "No" was the only reply to the interpellation that would have been compatible with the honour of Prussia. He (M. de Bismarck) thought he knew quite as well as M. Waldeck what was due to the honour of Prussia, and would take the opportunity of recalling the statement of a great English statesman to the effect that the worst of all monopolies was the pretended exclusive possession of political insight and virtue. In conclusion, he denied the authenticity of a letter that had appeared in the "Czas" newspaper, purporting to be addressed by a person in the Chancery of the Grand Duke Constantine to the Russian Legation here, and in which the offers of Prussian assistance were treated very cavalierly, and described as forced upon the Russian Government.

A few more less important speeches having been delivered, the closing of the debate was moved and carried.

No. 47.-Earl Cowley to Earl Russell.—(Received February 24.) (Extract.) Paris, February 23, 1863.

I CALLED this afternoon on M. Drouyn de Lhuys, and read to him your Lordship's despatch of the 21st instant, stating that Her Majesty's Government entertained precisely the same views with the French Government, as communicated to your Lordship by Baron Gros, with respect to the Convention relative to Poland signed between Prussia and Russia.

Earl Russell.

COWLEY,

No. 48.-Earl Cowley to Earl Russell.—(Received February 28.) MY LORD, Paris, February 27, 1863.

I SAW M. Drouyn de Lhuys this afternoon. He expressed himself to be anxious for the reply of Her Majesty's Government to the proposals which Baron Gros had been charged to make to them with reference to the Convention signed at St. Petersburgh.

He said that he had seen both the Russian and Prussian Ambassadors; that both evinced alarm at the present aspect of affairs, and had deprecated any collective step on the part of other Powers. M. Drouyn de Lhuys, on the contrary, had argued that it was far better for both the Russian and Prussian Governments, that if other Powers agreed in condemning their acts, that agreement should be signified to them simultaneously, and in the same terms. There was, however, no intention of doing this in an offensive manner. I have, &c.

Earl Russell.

COWLEY.

No. 52.-Lord Napier to Earl Russell-(Received March 2.) (Extract.) St. Petersburgh, February 21, 1863. PRINCE GORTCHAKOFF spoke to me spontaneously this morning concerning the recent engagement between the Russian and Prussian Governments for the suppression of the revolt in Poland. The Vice-Chancellor observed that the greatest exaggerations and misapprehensions prevailed on this subject in Germany. The agreement signed by him with the Prussian Military Agent (for Convention he would not call it) had no political character or significance whatever; it was simply an arrangement for the maintenance of security on the borders of the two countries. The insurgents were in the habit of falling on the Custom-House stations and other localties where public funds were deposited. It was necessary that the agents of Government should be enabled to withdraw with their funds from threatened posts to places of safety, if necessary even on foreign territory. Such a liberty was assured for them; and if they were pursued by the rebels, the latter in their turn would be followed by the Russian troops over the frontier until they fell in with an armed force of Prussians.

I asked Prince Gortchakoff whether the agreement secured to each of the Contracting Parties generally the right of penetrating into the territory of the other in the course of these operations.

The Vice-Chancellor replied rather vaguely, and seemed to wish to attach the right of traversing the frontiers particularly to the designs of the insurgents against the revenue stations. He did not offer to show me the Convention; but he said that the Emperor had desired to have it published, and if this had not been done it was owing to objections in another quarter. There was reason to

hope that the agreement might never be carried into effect, for the forces of the revolt were gradually drawing from the Prussian frontier to that of Austria. His Excellency added, that the prevailing disorders had given an immense impulse to contraband trade, and that the Minister of Finance was already crying out loudly.

I did not continue the conversation. I make it a rule never to originate any discussion on Polish affairs with the Minister. I think it most prudent to await the orders of Her Majesty's Govern

ment.

Earl Russell.

NAPIER.

No. 56.-Lord Bloomfield to Earl Russell.—(Received March 2.) (Extract.) Vienna, February 26, 1863. HAVING heard that the Duc de Grammont had communicated to Count Rechberg a project of a note to be presented at Berlin on the affairs of Poland and the policy which had been pursued by Prussia with respect to the present insurrection, I called on his Excellency this afternoon, when he gave me the following account of the French proposition.

Count Rechberg asked me, first of all, if I had no communication to make to him. I replied that your Lordship had not written to me respecting this project, and that the only thing I could tell him. was that I received a telegram a few days ago, by which I learned that Her Majesty's Government considered that Austria had acted wisely in declining the Prussian overtures respecting Poland.

His Excellency then proceeded to say that the project of note transmitted from Paris was drawn up in very courteous terms, but that it was impossible for Austria to identify herself with it, notwithstanding her earnest wish to unite with England and France; that she had refused Prussia to join in the Military Convention concluded with Russia for the suppression of the insurrection in Poland, and had taken a line of her own, of complete independence, which he thought was the best calculated to protect her interests and advance those of the peace of Europe, and while she maintained all her international engagements, she reserved to herself the right of changing her position if it might hereafter become advisable to do so. That by acceding to the proposed identic note, it would be said of Austria that she adopted a policy of non-intervention, which it was her determination not to do. She would maintain, on the 'contrary, complete liberty of action, and would not bind herself to any general principle such as that implied in the proposed note. His Excellency said that if it was proposed to restore to Poland the engagements taken by the Powers in 1815, why should not all the other stipulations of that time be insisted on ?

His Excellency has addressed a despatch to Prince Metternich,

in which he develops the reasons of the Austrian Cabinet for declining the French proposal. It will be sent to-morrow to Paris, and the same messenger will be the bearer of a copy of it which Count Apponyi will communicate to your Lordship.

Earl Russell.

BLOOMFIELD.

No. 57.-Sir A. Buchanan to Earl Russell.-(Received March 2.) (Extract.) Berlin, February 27, 1863. M. DE BISMARCK having promised last night to give me some information on the subject of the Russo-Prussian Convention if I would call upon him at an early hour this morning, I waited upon his Excellency.

His Excellency had also promised to ascertain from the Russian Minister whether he had any objection to the text of the Convention being communicated to me.

Our conversation began by my inquiring whether he was prepared to communicate the Convention to me, and by his replying that he could not do so without M. d'Oubril's consent, but that he would read its provisions to me after explaining the circumstances which had led to its being entered into.

He said, when the insurrection broke out, the Prussian Government had reason to believe that the Russiau troops in Poland did not exceed 60,000 men, though represented to amount to 100,000 ; and it was, therefore, thought advisable to send an officer to Warsaw to ascertain how far the military authorities possessed the means of suppressing the insurrection, and to enter into such arrangements with them as might be expedient for preserving tranquillity in the Prussian frontier districts, where great alarm had existed before the arrival of the troops which had been since sent there for the protection of the inhabitants.

M. de Raneh, therefore, an officer known to the Grand Duke Constantine, had been sent to Warsaw for this purpose. It was deemed advisable to send another officer through St. Petersburgh to Warsaw, who, after concert with the Russian Government, could communicate more efficiently with the authorities at Warsaw. General Alvensleben had, therefore, been sent to St. Petersburgh, and on his arrival there the Russian Government had proposed that the two Governments should enter into the Convention which was subsequently signed by him and Prince Gortchakoff, but which, as no ratifications of it had yet been exchanged, could still only be regarded as a proposed Convention, and as such could not be communicated to a foreign Minister.

Having made these preliminary observations, M. de Bismarck read to me from a German text, which he translated into French, what he represented to be the contents of the Convention. He said