members of the Academy of Science, and of the Academy of the Liberal Arts and Sciences, as well as other scientific men, artists, and authors. It was, on the whole, a very large meeting of citizens belonging to all grades and classes.

In the course of the dinner Baron Raab, the Chairman, rose to propose the King's health, in a speech remarkable for the loyalty of its expressions, and for its spirited description of the advantages which Sweden had, from the earliest times, derived from those feelings of attachment to liberty, and to their King and country, which its inhabitants had shown. The toast was drunk with enthusiasm, and popular songs were sung, in which the whole company joined.

M. P. R. Tersmeden then gave the health of the Prince in a speech delivered in French, and in which he gave a sketch of the services of the family of Czartoriski in the cause of Polish independence.

To this speech the Prince replied in the following terms:

"Gentlemen,-The first step I took on Swedish ground (when the steamer, on board of which I was, stopped at Ystad) was greeted with the shout of Long life to Poland!' This was a happy omen, and when the volunteer corps assembled there, pressed my hand, I felt I was among a people who were really capable of constancy in friendship. Ever since that moment the friendly reception accorded to me has [not abated an instant. In the palace of the King, as in the cottage of the peasant, the welcome I have received has everywhere been equally warm, kind, and open-hearted.

"The friendly words which have just been expressed on behalf of myself and my family, furnish me with an opportunity of publicly recording here the gratitude I feel for the friendly reception I have met with in Sweden. Be assured, Gentlemen, that all these assurances of sympathy will find the warmest response in Poland, and it is in the name of my countrymen that I offer you my thanks from the depth of my heart."

General Hazelius then gave a toast for Poland in an eloquent speech, which was followed by deafening cheers of "Long live the Poles!" the orchestra striking up the Polish National Hymn," Czas con Polski." Swedish words had been set to this hymn, and distributed among the company, who all sung it in chorus.

Prince Czartoriski then responded to the toast as follows:

"Gentlemen,-I deeply regret that I do not understand your fine-sounding language, otherwise I should have been able to appreciate better, and answer more appropriately, the words in which a highly respected Swede has given the toast for my beloved country.

"But from the very tone of the speaker's voice, and from the enthusiastic applause with which you have greeted the name of

Poland, uttered with so much noble warmth, I gather both what are the speaker's and your feelings for the Polish nation, and I thank you from my inmost heart for those feelings, and for the manner in which they have been expressed here.

"A century nearly has passed away since the division of Poland was commenced; but in spite of the lapse of time, in spite of Siberia, of the Caucasus, of the knout, of imprisonment and exile, the feeling of independence has never for one moment abated in Poland.

"The generation now living was born in thraldom or in a foreign land. Notwithstanding this, it has preserved a pure and unmixed feeling of patriotism which nothing has been able to shake, and which can never be extinguished until the last Pole has shed his last drop of blood (loud applause).

"The whole world knows what Poland has suffered. It has been a long martyrdom, and through that martyrdom Poland has assuredly expiated her past errors (Yes! yes!).

"Three times did Poland believe that her hour of freedom was at hand; three times did she attempt to shake off the oppressive yoke of barbarians: but never did she lose courage, never did she doubt the justice of her cause, never did she mistrust the future, although each fresh defeat entailed fresh persecutions, and the yoke became more galling, the tyranny more unbearable. The nation bowed its head, called on God to hasten the hour of deliverance, and bore all with patience and resignation.

"But everything in this world has its limit; and the Polish nation, driven to the uttermost bounds of persecution, has risen as one man once more, with no other arms but its despair, with no other support but its rights. It would be very cruel if the nation were to be again cheated of its hopes. No! Gentlemen, no! this is impossible. The times are different now from what they were; and Europe is not, happily, in the same position it was 30 years ago.

"In 1831, it was not so much the Russian armies which suppressed the insurrection, it was rather the indifference of the other Governments which quelled it. At that time there was neither a word of consolation or of hope for the future offered to Poland.

"The Polish army might win battles, but it could not lay the foundations of a durable state of things without having the moral assistance of Europe. And what advantage was it to Poland to win battles without that assistance? But in 1831, the European Cabinets settled, according to their own views, the fate of nations, and they were all of them more or less under the influence of an egotistical or timorous policy, which was directed to no object beyond that of avoiding every complication for the time being, without taking into consideration the dangers which menaced the

future. Circumstances have undergone important changes during the 30 years which have since elapsed. Public opinion has become a Power which must now be taken into account, and which has consequently changed the foundations on which politics reposed.

"Even now, as in 1831, the Polish army will conquer, although it stands alone, although it has hardly any arms and hardly any ammunition; but Europe will, we hope, not act as it acted in 1831. What Poland now requires of the other European nations is, as in 1831, not to declare war, not to send its armies there, but merely to give Poland its strong moral support, and to give it openly, completely, and without reserve.

"It is on this account, Gentlemen, that every proof of sympathy is so precious to Poland, doubly precious coming as that sympathy does from hence. Sweden and Poland are united to one another not only by the mutual sympathies which Swedes and Poles feel for each other, but even by a community of interests. (Yes! yes!) The significant testimony of sympathy for Poland which is now being offered in a land which is so free, which is so happy, and whose King ever goes hand in hand with his people, this testimony of sympathy cannot do otherwise than produce a marked impression on the banks of the Weichsel as on those of the Neva.

"These are the motives, Gentlemen, which prompt me to empty my glass with my whole heart, and I venture to say in the name of all my countrymen, in behalf of Sweden's prosperity, its honour and greatness."

It is superfluous to say that this speech called forth a storm of enthusiastic applause.

Many other toasts were proposed; one, amongst others, by Magister Sohlman, in honour of the Scandinavian sister kingdoms, in which he expressed the hope that the principle “Divide et impera," which had so long prevailed in the Scandinavian north, and of which the enemies of our freedom and nationality had so well known how to make use (although not with the same success as had been the case in Poland), might entirely give way to another principle, namely, "Join in order to be able to become independent."

A telegram was then read which had just arrived from Sundsvall, to the effect that a large number of the inhabitants of that place begged to express to Prince Czartoriski their warmest hopes that the Polish nation might regain their freedom and independence.

Prince Czartoriski expressed his gratification at this message, and requested that his thanks, and those of his countrymen, might be conveyed to the inhabitants of Sundsvall.

Per. Nilsson (member of the Peasant Chamber) then proposed a toast in honour of the "Women of Poland," who had given such

great proofs of love for their country and heroic courage in times of need and misfortune, and even in the field of battle.

Prince Czartoriski replied to this toast in a very warm and eloquent manner.

He described, in lively colours, the part which Polish women had taken in the honourable martyrdom of Poland; "but," he observed, "the fact that they have worn mourning on their persons and in their hearts for their native country is not the most important circumstance; the fact that they have defied the Russian orders not to wear the national colours-that they have tended the wounded with tender care-that at times they have themselves rushed on the bayonets of the enemy-is not all: the main, the most important point, and that for which they will be blessed for ever, is, that like true mothers they have taught us never to give up all hope for our country!"

(Inclosure 2.)-Extract from the "Nya Dagligt Allehanda" of March 24, 1862.

(Translation.)

Stockholm, March 24, 1863. AN APPEAL. THE sympathies which our country feels for Poland's noble and unhappy people are so strong, and have shown themselves in so clear a manner, that it is no longer necessary to find words to give them life and expression.

These sympathies are devoted to the cause of right, to strong patriotic feelings, to unmerited sufferings.

They cannot, therefore, become less intense owing to the alternating chances of the struggle; they cannot be lessened, and must rather be increased by that unfortunate fate which an unequal contest may entail on freedom's defenders.

Let the Swedish people, who at the present conjuncture do not do honour so much to success as to the cause of justice and heroism, give the Poles, above all things, as a proof of their sympathy, the moral support which they can afford them for the moment, while watching for that hour when the Cabinets of Europe will be obliged to exert themselves in earnest to arrive at a satisfactory solution of this question, from a point of view founded on the rights of nations and on the claims of civilization.

Let the Swedish people express their sympathies by acting in the way which is practicable under actual circumstances, and let Committees be formed in different parts of the country to collect subscriptions for the Poles, which subscriptions can hereafter be sent to the Undersigned, who, at the large meeting held at Stockholm, formed themselves into a "self-constituted" Committee for the Poles.

These subscriptions can, if the contest continues, be forwarded

to the Emigration Society in Paris, and be a direct gain to the cause of liberty; and should (which God avert!) the champions of freedom be obliged to yield on this occasion, such subscriptions may be of welcome assistance in supporting those who have been fortunate enough to escape the Czar's bloody revenge, in order, with empty hands, to experience the necessities and the sufferings of exile.

Treasurers of the Committee,

A. C. RAAB.

AUG. BLANCHE.

Secretaries to the Committee,

F. W. STAEL VON HOLSTEIN.

P. R. TERSMEDEN.

EMIL VON QUINTEN.

J. MANKELL.

PER. NILSSON (of Espö).

A. SOHLMAN.

A. W. UHR.

J. ANDERSSON (of Oestergötland).
HORALD WIESELGREN.

No. 131.-Sir A. Buchanan to Earl Russell.-(Received April 6.)
MY LORD,
Berlin, April 4, 1863.

WITH reference to my despatch of the 26th ultimo, I am informed by M. de Bismarck that an insurrectionary movement had taken place at Polangen, near the Russian frontier, evidently with a view to receive the arms expected by the Ward Jackson. That vessel had, however, he said put into Malmoe about 5 days ago, in consequence of the English crew having refused to proceed further in her. She had embarked a new crew, but is still believed to be at Malmoe. The Gipsey Queen, he said, did not appear to have passed the Sound. I have, &c. Earl Russell.

ANDREW BUCHANAN.

No. 132.-Lord Bloomfield to Earl Russell.—(Received April 6.) MY LORD, Vienna, April 2, 1863. On the receipt of your Lordship's telegram of the 28th ultimo, stating that a collective note on the affairs of Poland to be addressed to Russia by Austria, England, and France, was under consideration, and that Her Majesty's Government hoped it would be drawn up in such terms that the Austrian Government, with whom they are most anxious to act, will consent to sign it, I lost no time in informing Count Rechberg of the communication which had reached me.