attention to the fact that he was speaking not as if he were an impartial mediator, but as if he were a Polish agent.

About the end of January 1919, there arrived in Lemberg the mission of Entente nations, headed by the French Gen. Bartelmy, and composed of the representatives of France, England, United States, and Italy. The said mission stayed a long time in Lemberg, taking part in the banquets to them by Polish authorities, and toasting to the honor of Poland. Polish newspapers wrote that this mission has for its object to bring about an armistice between the Poles and the Ukrainians. To the general astonishment, however, the mission were preparing themselves for this task only in Lemberg and only in Polish circles. They neither tried to make any connections with the Ukrainian circles in Lemberg, nor did they go out into the Ukrainian territory with the purpose of learning the Ukrainian problem.

About February 20, the mission headed by Bartelmy demanded from the Ukrainian chief commandants to stop fighting, declaring that they intended to carry on negotiations with the object of bringing about Polish-Ukrainian armistice, but they will not carry the negotiations unless fighting will be stopped. At the same time the mission declared that should the Ukrainian commandant in chief refuse to stop fighting, this will be interpreted as meaning that the Ukrainian government rejects the mediation of the Entente powers.

The Ukrainian commander in chief, after a conference with the State secretariat, agreed to suspension of hostilities, which became effective in the morning of February 25.

In the evening of the same day, the delegates of the State secretariat arrived in Lemberg in order to carry on the negotiations about the Polish-Ukrainian armistice. The whole day of February 26 was spent in conference of the Ukrainian delegates with the Allied mission; the mission were informing themselves on the Ukrainian question.

After this the mission demanded that the Polish and the Ukrainian delegates hold a common meeting, and declared it is the wish of the mission that both sides should reach an agreement. In case no agreement will be reached, the mission itself shall present the parties with an agreement of armistice.

The conference which was held with the Poles on February 26, in the evening, accomplished nothing.

On February 27 the mission of Barthelmy passed into the territory of the Ukrainian state, to the city of Chodorow, in order to meet Petlura, the president of the Ukrainian directorate, who at that time came to the Ukrainian commander in chief in Chodorow. On February 28 the mission presented both sides with their proposal of armistice. According to this plan the line of demarcation between the two fighting sides should pass to the east of the city of Drohobyez. This meant that the Ukrainians had to leave in the hands of the Poles not only this part of Ukrainian Galicia which was occupied by the Poles, but also to cede to the Poles vast territory, together with the oil wells in the neighborhood of Drohobyez, which were then on the unthreatened possession of the Ukrainian army.

Of course the Ukrainians could not accept such an armistice. The war went on. The State secretariat, in a wireless message, presented to the Supreme Council of the peace conference the partisan behavior of the Allied mission and demanded an impartial solution of the question.

The Supreme Council discussed the question at its meeting on March 19 and decided to appeal to both parties to sign an immediate armistice on the basis of the front line. The Supreme Council went on to declare "that they are ready to listen to both sides as to the territorial claims and to mediate in Paris between the Polish and Ukrainian delegates or through some other representatives selected by both sides for the purpose of amending the provisions of the armistice."

Having received this decision of the Supreme Council, the State secretariat immediately answered that it has been accepted, and ordered Gen. Pavlenko, the commander in chief, to make suitable arrangements.

On March 27 the Polish and the Ukrainian representatives met in the city of Chyrow. However, the armistice was not agreed upon, as the Poles refused to sign the armistice on the basis announced by the Supreme Council in the decision of March 19 and demanded that the armistice be made on the bases of the plan of the Gen. Barthelmy.

The Ukraninian government notified the Supreme Council of this attitude of the
Poles.
Confident that the Supreme Council will force the Poles to sign the armistice, the
Ukrainian government repeatedly made offers of armistice negotiations, the last
offer dated May 19. The Poles, however, rejected every offer.

Thus the war, which the Ukrainians wanted to stop, conforming to the appeal of the Supreme Council of February 19, was going on, due to the fault of the Poles. The

Poles, who just at that time received permission for passage of the Polish army of Gen. Haller from France to Poland, decided to continue the war, hoping by means of that army to occupy the entire eastern Galicia.

Beside their as we have seen-unsuccessful endeavors on the spot purporting to bring about the suspension of hostilities, the State secretariat, having in mind the declaration of the Supreme Council that it is ready to mediate between the two parties in Paris, dispatched to Paris an extraordinary delegation for the PolishUkrainian question, composed of three men: Dr. Michael Lozinsky, the assistant secretary of foreign affairs, as chairman of the delegation; Col. Dmytro Witowsky, the late State secretary of military affairs, as a member of the delegation: and Mr. Alexander Kulchitsky, the official of the State secretariat for foreign affairs, as secretary.

Before the delegates have arrived in Paris, the Supreme Council organized a committee for the Polish-Ukrainian armistice, connected with the peace conference and composed of the representatives of France, England, the United States, and Italy and headed by the English Gen. Botha.

The said committee invited the Ukrainian delegation in Paris to a meeting for April 30. This meeting was attended by Mr. Sydorenko, the chairman of the dele gation, and Mr. Shulgin, the member of the delegation, and they declared that a special delegation for the Polish-Ukrainian question is due in Paris.

On May 8 this special delegation, having arrived in Paris. gave the committee such information as was asked by the committee, Gen. Botha, the chairman of the committee, declaring that the committee receives only the information necessary for arranging the armistice. Who has the right to the Ukrainian Galicia, the Poles or the Ukrainians, the Supreme Council shall decide only after the armistice has been arranged; only then both sides will be given a hearing as to their respective rights. On May 12 the committee presented to the Ukrainians and the Poles each side at a special meeting the plan of the armistice. This plan fixed the line of demareation to the west of Drohobyez, so that the oil wells in the neighborhood of Drohobyez had to remain in the hands of the Ukrainians.

The Ukrainian delegates presented the committee with a memorandum in which they declared their consent, in principle, to the plan of armistice, demanding at the same time a whole series of changes as to the line of demarcation and military provisions.

At its meeting of May 13 the Ukrainian delegation declared that it accepts the draft of this armistice, expressing at the same time its hope that the committee will take under consideration the demands laid down in the memorandum of the delegation. In this manner the question of armistice was settled, as far as the Ukrainian side was concerned. The arrangement of armistice depended thus upon the Polish side The Polish Government, however, refused to agree to the plan of armistice, but ordered a general offensive against the Ukrainian army in Ġalicia, using for this purpose the army of Haller.

Seeing this, the Ukrainian delegation addressed a note, dated May 21, to the Supreme Council, demanding the protection of the Ukrainian territory against the Polish offensive.

As a consequence of this note, this very day the Ukrainian delegation was summoned before the Supreme Council to a hearing. The Ukrainian delegation presented the events in Galicia and demanded an order to stop immediately the Polish offensive.

On May 22, the Ukrainian delegation was received by Clemenceau, the president of the conference, who notified it that the Supreme Council addressed to the Polish Government a demand to give explanation in the matter of the Polish offen-ive. The Polish offensive, of course, was going on. Then the Extraordinary Ukrainian delegation sent a communication to Gen. Botha, the president of the committee on the Polish-Ukrainian armistice, asking him how the matters stand with the armistice. Gen. Botha, in a letter dated May 26 answered that the Polish Government rejected the plan of armistice, and that the question was referred to the Supreme Council.

The Extraordinary Ukrainian delegation then, on May 27. addressed a note to the Supreme Council, presenting the course of events and demanding that the Supreme Council stop the Polish offensive and force the Poles to consent to the armistice. On June 5 it was reported by Paris newspapers that in answer to the inquiry of the Supreme Council about the Polish offensive, Pilsudski, the chief of the Polish State and the commander in chief of the Polish army, replied that the Polish offensive was only a defense against the Ukrainian offensive.

This reply was a sheer mockery at the true state of affairs. As it was pointed out by us, the Ukrainian army since the time the answer of the Supreme Council of

March 19 had been received, restricted itself all the time to the defensive, awaiting the signing of the armistice. The Polish offensive was ordered by the Polish commander in chief Pilsudski in consequence of the decision of the Polish Diet, which protested against the armistice and demanded the offensive in order to occupy whole Ukrainian Galicia.

To throw the true light upon the reply of Pilsudski the Extraordinary Ukrainian delegation sent to the Supreme Council the note of June 6.

The Polish army, having received all necessary from the allied powers, began to take the upper hand over the Ukrainian army, left to its own resources, and taken up with the war against the Russian Bolsheviki.

In this way the Poles carried the war against the Ukrainians twice against the will of the Supreme Council. The first time after the decision of the Supreme Council of March 19, while rejecting the Ukrainian offer at armistice; the second time rejecting the plan of armistice offered by the committee on Polish-Ukrainian armistice.

The Ukrainian Government, having declared its consent to the plan of armistice, had the full right to expect that from this moment it stands under the protection of the Supreme Council and that the Supreme Council will order the Polish Government to stop the offensive and to sign the armistice. But it happened otherwise. After the Poles had occupied a greater part of Ukrainian Galicia, the Supreme Council, without asking at all the Ukrainian delegation, having carried the negotiations with the Polish Government only, reached on June 25 the following decision:

"To protect the persons and the property of the peaceful population of eastern Galicia against Bolshevist bands, the Supreme Council has authorized the forces of the Polish Republic to carry on the occupation of the country as far as the River Zbrucz. The present authorization does not prejudicate in any way the decisions which will be made later by the Supreme Council in reference to the political status of Galicia."

To this decision by which whole Ukrainian Galicia was delivered to the Polish occupation, the Ukrainian delegation entered a protest in the note of July 2. The said note, after adducing the evidence to the fact that such an occupation of Ukrainian Galicia is a violation of entity of the Ukrainian Republic and an outrage committed on the Ukrainian people, protests against the sanction of the Polish occupation by the Supreme Council.

The Supreme Council further decided that the subcommittee for Polish affairs shall draw "an internal status for eastern Galicia." To the meeting of the said subcommittee, which was held on July 3, the Ukrainian delegation received an invitation, stating that they should send to this meeting delegates belonging to eastern Galicia; i. e., born and resident in the said Province. Thus the Ukrainian delegates were denied the right to represent eastern Galicia as a part of the Ukrainian Republic, and only those members of the delegation who were born and resident in Galícia were to be heard by the subcommittee, therefore not as the representatives of the Ukrainian populace of eastern Galicia.

For this reason the Ukrainian delegation refused to take part in the mentioned meeting, declaring in a note dated July 3 that eastern Galicia although occupied by force by the Poles is a part of the Ukrainian Republic.

On July 11 the Ukrainian delegation received an official notice that the Supreme Council reached the following decision in the question of eastern Galicia: "The Polish Government is authorized to establish in eastern Galicia a civil government, after having fixed with the Allied and Associated Powers an agreement whose clauses shall guarantee so far as possible the autonomy of this territory and the religious and political liberty of its inhabitants. This agreement shall be based on the right of free disposition, which, in the last resort, the inhabitants of eastern Galicia are to exercise regarding their political allegiance. The period at which such a right shall be exercised shall be fixed by the Allied and Associated Powers or by the organ to which these delegate their power."

Against this decision of the Supreme Council the Ukrainian delegation entered a protest in the note dated July 15.

III.

Thus the Supreme Council of the Peace Conference decided the controversy for eastern Galicia in favor of the Poles. Such decision is opposed not only to those principles enunciated by President Wilson in the name of the Allied Powers, viz, that every nationality should not be enslaved by any other nationality, but should possess the right to decide freely her own fate. It is also opposed to the decision of the Supreme Council of March 19, 1919, in which the Supreme Council promised to mediate between Poland and Ukraine. Instead of mediating, the Supreme Council made a partisan decision favoring Poland.

Had Ukraine and Poland each left to her own powers carried a war for eastern Galicia, and had Poland occupied eastern Galicia as a victor of the war, such solution would be unjust, but self-understood. Poland would occupy eastern Galicia "by right of might.

Here, however, the question was solved by the Supreme Council of the Peace Conference, which has proclaimed herself as introducing a new order into the world in the name of right and justice.

We ask, Do right and justice require that the Ukrainian people, who number about 40,000,000, and are therefore one of the largest nationalities of Europe, should be deprived of the right to build the State of their own and that they should be forced again into subjection from which they had delivered themselves with their own powers?

Do right and justice require that the Ukrainian people of eastern Galicia, who threw off the yoke of Poland and declared their will to constitute with all Ukrainian people one Ukrainian Republic should be forced again under the Polish dominion? Do right and justice require that in the question of eastern Galicia should decide not the will of the overwhelming Ukrainian majority, but the will of the negilgible Polish minority?

Do right and justice require that the Ukrainian people of eastern Galicia be delivered into the dominion of very same Poland against which they have been at war? Could it be justly expected that Poland, which for centuries has sought expansion to the east, to subjugate the Ukrainian territory, which had already many a time destroyed this land with fire and sword, that this Poland, having now obtained from the Supreme Council the mandate to occupy eastern Galicia, will rule heri n accordance with right and justice?

The reality tells quite different story. Having occupied Eastern Galicia, the Poles with fire and sword, with volleys and gallows, with jails and coercions, take revenge on the Ukrainians for their refusal to continue under the Polish dominion. for their desire to become free. Poland's object is to extirpate the Ukrainians of Eastern Galicia in order thus to safeguard her control of the country.

Delivering Eastern Galicia under the Polish rule, did the Supreme Council take under consideration the fact that thus it delivers all the Ukrainian people of this country into the hands of their enemy, to be killed, tortured, persecuted, without any possible protection in sight? Should one even suppose that the Ukrainian people have no right to freedom and independence, even then the consideration of humanity should have recommended to grant some protection to those millions of the Ukrainians, with whom the Polish authorities may deal in the way they please. pretending before the Supreme Council that they "are destroying Bolshevist hands. It is stated by the Supreme Council that it has authorized Poland to occupy Eastern Galicia in order to protect the peaceful population against Bolshevist bands. As a matter of fact, however, there was no Bolshevism in Eastern Galicia under the rule of the Ukrainian Government. Quite the contrary, the Ukrainian army of Eastern Galicia defending the country against the Polish invasion from the west, at the same time took a prominent part in the war of the Ukrainian Republic against the invasion of the Russian Bolsheviki from the East. And after Russian Bolshevist army invaded Ukraine, penetrating to the river of Zbrucz, it was here that the Ukrainian army of Eastern Galicia blocked their way and prevented them from uniting with Hungarian Bolsheviki. This the State Secretariat of Western Ukraine has done, after it had rejected favorable offers of the Bolshevist governments of Russia and Hungary. It was done in belief that the Supreme Council will protect Ukraine.

While in all surrounding countries, not only in Russia, whence Bolshevism has flooded a part of Ukraine, but also in Poland, Roumania, Bohemia, Hungary, and German Austria and Germany were considerable Bolshevist movements, just the Directorate of the Ukrainian Republic was the power which stopped the westward march of the Bolsheviki, and Eastern Galicia has been the only country where no Bolshevism existed.

This will be confirmed by future historians in contradiction to the lie spread broadcast by the Poles in order to obtain from the Supreme Council the permission and assistance to root up the Ukrainian people under the pretense of the struggle against Bolshevism.

Future historians will also corroborate our statement that had Ukraine been really Bolshevist, then Bolshevism, not stopped by Ukraine, would have freely flooded af! Poland, Roumania, and Balkans, would have joined hands with Bolshevism of Hungary, Bohemia, German Austria, and Germany. Should this have happened, the present situation in Europe would in all probability be different than it is now.

Future historians will have also to confirm that if this had not happened, it was Ukraine's merit (from the standpoint of the Allied Powers, and her fault from the standpoint of Bolsheviki).

As a reward for this service, the Supreme Council intends to divide whole Ukraine among her neighbors, and has already delivered Eastern Galicia under Poland occupation and control.

It is said by the Supreme Council that a treaty regarding Eastern Galicia is to be made between Poland and the Allied Powers, which will have to guarantee "as far as possible" her autonomy and the liberties of her inhabitants. We ask: Aren't the people of Eastern Galicia a nationality which is entitled to the right to decide about themselves, or are they only an object which others have the right to bargain with without asking its will? Isn't Eastern Galicia a part of the Ukranian Republic; hasn't she her own government that the fate of the country is being decided without the participation of the lawful representatives of the Ukrainian people and the contrary to their will declared in an unmistakable manner? And where are the guarantees that the treaty will really safeguard the interests of the Ukrainian people and that the Polish government will actually carry it out?

The Supreme Council promises the Ukrainians of Eastern Galicia that the treaty will be based upon the principle of self-determination to be carried out later.

Thus under the control of Poland, which is an enemy of the Ukrainian people, which carried on a war against Ukraine to occupy Eastern Galicia, under the control of this very Poland, the inhabitants of Eastern Galicia, will have to assert their rights of self-determination. Will not Poland use all her power to crush the Ukrainina population, to terrorize them, to break down all their efforts to gain independence, to prevent them from declaring their real will? And after the Polish Government will have prepared everything, could it possibly be supposed that it will issue an order to exercise the right of self-determination," when Poland will be sure that such action will decide the question, should Eastern Galicia belong to Poland or not? It is so clear that Poland, having gotten possession of Eastern Galicia, will do all in her power to assure herself forever the control of the country-that it is simply a wonder that the Supreme Council failed to take cognizance of it.

It happened Eastern Galicia, a Ukrainian country from time immemorial, a part of the Ukrainian Republic, has been delivered into the power of Poland. It is up to the Supreme Council to make reparations for the evil done.

NOTES UPON THE UKRAINIAN-POLISH RELATIONS IN GALICIA DURING THE LAST 25 YEARS (1895-1919).

By MICHAEL LOZYNSKY, Doctor of Laws, under-secretary of state for foreign affairs for West Ukraine GALICIA.

Area. The area of Galicia is 30,311 square miles.1

Population. Galicia had in 1900 a population of 7,295.538. The two principal nationalities are the Poles (45 per cent) and the Ruthenians2 (42 per cent), the former predominating the west and in the big towns, and the latter in the east.3

Galicia had in 1910 a population of 8,025,675; Poles, 4,672,500 (58.55 per cent); Ukrainians, 3,208,092 (40.20 per cent).

Seeming increase of Polish population from 1900 to 1910, 13.55 per cent.

Seeming decrease of Ukrainian population during the same decade nearly 2 per cent. Religion.-Census of 1910: Roman Catholics, 3,731,861 (46.50 per cent); Jews, 871,906 (10.86 per cent); Greek Catholics, 3,379,616 (42.11 per cent).

Since Ukrainians in Galicia are mostly Greek Catholic, Poles Roman Catholic, and Jews are Jews, it follows that the official Polish census takers had to enter all Roman Catholics, all Jews, and even some Greek Catholics as Poles-in order to obtain "the official proof" that Poles are in the majority in Galicia.

History. During the reign of Daniel Romanovich (1222-1266) and those of his immediate successors the country (Galicia and Lodomeria) enjoyed remarkable prosperity and attained to a high degree of civilization. In 1340 the house of Roman died out and soon after Galicia and Lodomeria came under the sway of Cassimir the Great of Poland, and except for an interval of a decade and a half (1370-1386) formed a part of Poland till the first partition of that country in 1772.1

Agriculture. Galícia is more purely agricultural than any other of the Crown lands of Austria, no less than 77 per cent of its population depending for a living directly on the soil. The unequal distribution of the land (in Galicia) is shown by the fact that while one-third of the cultivable area is in the hands of large landholders owning estates of over 1,400 acres each, about one-half consists of holdings of less than 14

The New International Encyclopedia, second edition, 1915, Vol. IX, pp. 407, S. 9.

The name Ruthenians was applied to Ukrainians living within the borders of Austria-Hungary, the same as the name Pennsylvanians is applied to Americans living in the State of Pennsylvania. Encyclopedia Brittanica, eleventh edition; 1911, Vol. XI, p. 401.