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its peace and safety, and that they could not admit of any attempt at colonisation on the part of Europe.” Thus for the first time they have advanced, taking a part de facto in the great political transactions of Europe, and pronouncing their declaration in a tone which has certainly contributed to the abandonment of most of those intentions which were fast ripening into execution. 3. Great has been the influence of American liberty throughout the civilized world. The French, and more recently the South American revolutions, and the commotions in Spain, Portugal, Naples, and in Piedmont, owe their origin not to any instigation on the part of the United States, but to the influence of their example in raising the standard of freedom, and more than all, to the success which crowned their efforts. On the other hand, great has been the influence of European politics on the American nation. A party existing since the revolution, and extending its ramifications

over the whole United States, is now growing into importance, and guided by the principles of European diplomacy, is root, ing itself deeper and deeper, drawing within its circle the wealthy, the dissatisfied, and thus adding every day to its strength. We see, in short, the principle of monarchism developing itself in the United States; and though it is not attempted to establish it by means of a revolution which would assuredly fail, there is a design to bring it about by that cunning, cautious, and I may add, American way, which must eventually succeed, unless the spirit of freedom be sufficiently powerful to overrule these subtle preparations.

There have been many changes in the United States within the last ten years. The present rulers have succeeded in so amalgamating opinions, that whatever may be said to the contrary, only two parties are now existing there-the Monarchists or the Governors, and the Republicans who are the governed.

The object proposed in the following pages,

has been to exhibit to the eyes of the world the state of American affairs, without prejudice, and without party spirit.

Adams is a favourite with Great Britain. This empire has, however, no just reason to admire him. Should his plans succeed, the cost to Great Britain would be the loss of her last possession in North America, while as long as the North American Republic continues united, this unwieldy mass of twenty-four States can never be dangerous.

Social orders as yet there are none, but they are developing themselves in the same way as wealth, luxury, ambition, and sciences, on the one side, and poverty, ignorance, and indirect oppression on the other, are increasing. Here, as everywhere else, this is the natural course of things.

To show the state of society in general, and the relative bearings of the different

classes to each other, and thereby to afford a clear idea of what the United States now really are, is the second object attempted in these

pages. To represent social intercourse and prevailing habits in such a manner as to enable the future emigrant to follow the prescribed track, and to settle with security and advantage to himself and to his new country; to afford him the means of judging for himself by giving him a complete view of public and private life in general, as well as of each profession or business in particular, is a third object contemplated. The capitalist, the merchant, the farmer, the physician, the lawyer, the mechanic, will find, I trust, adequate information respecting the course, which, in settling in the Union, he will have to pursue. Further explanation I think unnecessary. He who may consider these sketches insufficient, would not be better informed if I were to enlarge the work to twice its size. Such a one is unfit for a settler in a country

where so many snares beset his path. Verbum sapienti sat.

The author is conscious that in treating of the political state of America, his observations may be deemed severe. This severity of reproof may perhaps have become natural to him, from having, during a residence of a series of years, been accustomed to hear the President treated by the Opposition with less deference than the meanest citizen; but he may be allowed to say, that he has never permitted himself any exaggeration, or even a solitary sarcasm at the expense of truth. He is persuaded that time will confirm his statements.

He is equally aware of the racies of his style, but while he shrinks not from fair criticism, he entreats that liberal indulgence which a stranger is allowed to claim at the hands of a great and generous nation,

many inaccu

London, June, 1827.

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