ÆäÀÌÁö À̹ÌÁö
PDF
ePub
[ocr errors]

posing them to be such, as I really think they are, does the reader suppose, that our government possess a license to commit acts of aggression, and to put forward its mere cessation of them as a ground for peace with the offended party? This is not the way with our governinent, either abroad or at home. It is always talking of indemnity for the past and security for the future ;" and, why are we to suppose that the American Government will not talk in the same way? If a man offend our government, does it say, cease to offend us, and there is an end of the matter?" No this is not the language it is now making use of to the people in the Luddite counties. It punishes them, when it can catch them; and shall it lay it down as a maxim, that it is never to be made responsible for what it does?—The reader may be assured, that the Americans do not consider it as exempted from the usual laws and principles by which nations regulate their conduct towards each other; and, he may be further assured, that the inquiries relative to the state of our manu'facturers will not, when read in America, tend to lower her tone.She is now armed; she has got over her great reluctance to inlist soldiers and to fit out armed vessels; and, she will, in my opinion, never lay down her arms, that is to say, she will never make peace with us, until we agree to make her ample compensation for her losses and injuries under the Orders in Council, and also agree to desist from impressing any persons on board her ships at sea. Are we prepared for this? Are the associates of Perceval ready to give up these points? Are they ready to pay for what has been captured under regulations, which the Americans regard as a violation of their rights; and are they ready to make it a crime in any English officer to seize seamen on board American ships at sea? If they are, we shall certainly soon be at peace with America; if they are not, my opinion is, that we shall have war with her, till those points are given up.The close of the pretended Letter from Liverpool is curious. It observes that, "when the Senate came to the resolution "of declaring war, the account of Mr. "Perceval's death had not reached Wash"ington."- As much as to say, that if the news of his death had reached Washington, war might not have been declared! And this is the way in which the friends of the little dead lawyer speak of him, is it? They leave us clearly to infer, that

[ocr errors]

the news of his death; the bare news of his death, might have prevented a war with America! And yet have these same writers the impudence to call the people of Nottingham, and other places, monsters because they expressed their joy upon receiving that same news!-In conclusion, I beg the reader to bear in mind, that I have been nearly two years endeavouring to prevent a war with America; that, very soon after I was sentenced to be imprisoned two years in Newgate and to pay a thousand pounds to the King, for writing about the flogging of English Local Militia-men at the town of Ely and about the employing of German Troops upon that occasion; I beg the reader to bear in mind, that, very soon after that imprisonment commenced, I began my most earnest endeavours to prevent this war, the most fatal, I fear, of all the many wars in which we have been engaged, since the present King mounted the throne. I was enabled to tell pretty exactly what would come to pass, unless we redressed the grievances of America without delay. I had letters from America, written by persons of a little more understanding than appears to be possessed by those from whom our lawyers get their information. I did not know to what extent the merchants of America might submit to have their property seized; but I was well assured, that the American people would no longer suffer their seamen to be impressed upon the open sea. This I was positively told nearly two years ago; and, I am now particularly anxious to impress it upon the minds of the ministers; for, they may be assured, that the American Government, if it has actually declared war, will never make peace till that point is settled to the satisfaction of the American people; till, in short, we agree to desist wholly from taking any person whatever out of an American ship at sea. -I am aware how stinging it will be to some persons in England to yield one jot to America. I am aware how inuch more they hate her government than they hate that of France. I am aware how glad they would be to hear of the United States being swallowed up by an earthquake. Not so, however, the people of England generally, who do not grudge any thing that is yielded to America so much as they do what is yielded to other powers. They do not, besides, see very clearly the advantages they are to derive from the keeping down of the Americans by the means of the English navy. They do

[ocr errors]

not see the benefit that is likely to accrue
to them from any thing, the tendency of
which is to press upon a free people in
another country.
Nothing, I am con-
vinced, will ever make an American war
popular in England.

treaty at all with us. If we look upon his
abdication in favour of Napoleon as nothing
at all, still we must know that the man is
in France; we must know that he has never
received any Embassador from England;
that he has signed no treaty, and that he
has, in fact, no power whatever as a king.
Besides, who made him a king? How
came he to be considered king of Spain?
His father is alive; and, while he lives,
how can his son be king? Why, they
tell us, that the king, his father, abdicated
the throne in favour of his son.
But, the
father has since declared, in the most pub-
lic and solemn manner, that, in abdicating,
he yielded to fear; that the abdication was
extorted from him at the peril of his life, and,
upon that ground he resumed his crown.

FRENCH OVERTURES FOR PEACE.This is a subject of great importance. Not so great as that of disarming the people of English counties, but, certainly, of very great importance. Peace and Reform are necessary to England; they are now become necessary to her happiness and even to her safety. When, therefore, another offer of peace has been made to us, it behoves us to inquire what were the terms proposed.In another part of this Number I have inserted the letter of the Duke -Besides, if the right of Ferdinand will of Bassano, containing the proposition of stand upon the ground of an abdication in the Emperor Napoleon, and also the an- his favour, why will not the right of Naswer of Lord Castlereagh.The propo- poleon stand upon the same ground, since sition has been represented as unfair, in- we know well, that Ferdinand abdicated sidious, and I know not what besides; but, the throne in favour of Napoleon; If abin my opinion, a proposition more fair, dication is to hold good in the one case, more frank, and, the circumstances con- why not in the other? If Ferdinand can sidered, more moderale, never was made acquire a crown by the abdication of its by one nation to another at the opening of possessor, why can he not dispose of it in a negociation. The basis is, each party the same way?—It has been said, that the shall keep in peace the territories of which abdication was extorted from Ferdinand; the other has not been able to deprive him but, we have not heard that he himself has by war. This is the proposed basis; or, made any such complaint. It is our kind at least, it is the main stone of it. And, and generous government that makes the what can be more fair; what more explicit complaint for him. But, at any rate, it or comprehensive; what more reasonable? was but extorting from him that which his To reject a basis like this is to proclaim a own father had accused him of having ex disposition to continue war, without end torted. If Ferdinand, in the face of his faand without object.But, it is, it may ther's protest, had a right to possess the be said to other parts of the overture, that crown, surely any one to whom he might Lord Castlereagh objects. He objects to make it over could not fail in his right of the leaving of Spain in the hands of King possession.So much for the legitimacy Joseph. This point has already cost us of Ferdinand's rights. This, however, is four years of war at the rate of about a trifle compared with the design, now 20,000,000 of pounds a year, and how clearly developed, of continuing the war many men it has cost I cannot even venture though Portugal is offered to be guaranteed to guess. Eighty millions of money is, to the House of Braganza. What could however, something; and, it would seem we expect more than this? This seemed, that we are very far indeed from being at at one time, to be an object beyond our the end of the account.- -The overture of hopes; and now when the enemy offers it Napoleon is, by Lord Castlereagh, under- to us, and offers besides to leave us in posstood to mean, that, as to Spain, the pre- session of all the French and Dutch and sent king, Joseph is to reign there; and, Danish Islands, containing about 35 milthis being the case, the Prince Regent can-lions of inhabitants, nearly twice the numnot consent to treat, because he owes it "to his honour," because he is bound by treaty to Ferdinand and his Cortes. Really I do not see how he can be so bound. Ferdinand has lived in France ever since the war began in Spain. I am at a loss to imagine how he can be said to have any

ber that France has added to her subjects; when the independence of Sicily is offered to be guaranteed; and when the Emperor offers to leave us in quiet possession of Malta; aye, of that MALTA, which was the cause, and the sole professed cause, of this war of Trojan duration; when even

in that state for more than a century, and
that, even at the last peace, the peace of
Amiens, Spain was so completely in al-
liance with France, that the latter nego-
cialed for her. If not, then, with an
offer such as is now made us; if we have
now no chance of peace, when are we
to hope for it? If we are not to have
peace till the giant power of France is
reduced, who amongst us can reasonably
hope to see peace again?-
-I shall return
to this subject in my next..

Malta is offered to be left to us, our government declines to treat, it rejects the overture, for the sake of Ferdinand and his Cortes!When, then, are we to have peace? We have it now in our power to see Portugal independent of the French, to see Sicily in a state to dispense with the aid of an English army and an English subsidy; and, at the same time, we may retain possession of all the immense conquests that we have made during the war, all the French and Dutch settlements in all parts of the world. In short, Napoleon gives up to us three quarters of the globe, excepting the American States, which are not his BRISTOL ELECTION.- -This contest is, to give.—I shall be told, perhaps, that for the present, at an end. It has been dethe guaranteeing of the independence of cided against MR. HUNT by a large majoriPortugal and of Sicily would be of no use; ty; but, let it be borne in mind, that the for, that the enemy would seize on them in election has been carried on under the peace, or declare war again for the pur-"protection" of soldiers. This is a perfect pose, as soon as our troops were with- novelty, even in this age of novelties. drawn. This is possible; but, then, he That there will be another election is cerwho tells me this, must recollect that his tain; for, unless there be, there is an end, argument goes to establish the necessity of at once, to even the slightest show of the eternal war, or, at least, war to the exter-elective franchise. The nation is inmination of Napoleon, and of all those who shall posssess his power and act upon his policy; for, the same possibility will exist next year as well as this year, and every year as long as the power and territories of the French empire shall remain what they now are.The truth is, that the terms offered as a basis of peace are fair and rea-. sonable, and, for a first offer, very moderate; but, our government appears to be afraid of peace. It is obviously afraid, that guarantees would be useless in behalf of Sicily and Portugal; it is afraid that Napoleon would seize on them the moment our troops should be withdrawn, and it feels that it would have no power to punish ENGLISH LIBERTY OF THE PRESS.-It him for so doing! There's the rub! The appears to me to be necessary to put upon great, the giant power of France; the in- record, in a compact form, all the princifrinsic strength of that empire; this it is pal facts relating to the prosecution carried that frightens our government, and makes on against me, and the punishment inflicted those who have the management of it alarm-upon me.- -I shall now state these facts ed at the idea of peace; and this giant power has been created by those coalitions against republicanism, of which Engiand was the soul.Were not this the case it would be impossible for any set of ministers to think for one moment of rejecting an offer like that contained in the letter of the Duke of Bassano, which offer, as I observed before, gives up all that we have ever contended for, except Spain; and, if it be said, that Spain in family alliance with France would be dangerous to us, let it be borne in mind, that Spain has been

debted to the people of Bristol for the stand that they have made against corrupt influence; and the people of Bristol are indebted to Mr. Hunt for having been enabled to make that stand; they are indebted to him, and to him alone, for having had AN ELECTION, or any thing in the shape of an election.- -I shall, in my next, when in full possession of all the facts relating to this glorious struggle against corruption, put those facts upon record in a way that I think most likely to give them the best chance of producing effect.

here; and, in my next, and in every future
Number of the Register, if it continue to be
published as long as I live, it shall form
the last page; so that, in time, it may be
read by every man in every country where
the English language is understood; and so
that it may, if people choose, be cut off,
and pasted upon walls or other places.-
I have confined myself to bare facts; facts
which nobody can deny. I have had re-
course to no colouring at all. Here are the
unvarnished facts, and let every man form
his own judgment upon them.

ENGLISH LIBERTY OF THE PRESS,
As illustrated in the Prosecution and
Punishment of

[ocr errors]

WILLIAM COBBETT.

numerous hangings in the course of every year; that the part of the prison in which I was sentenced to be confined is sometimes inhabited by felons, that felons were actually in it at the time I entered it; that one In order that my countrymen and that man was taken out of it to be transported in the world may not be deceived, duped, and about 48 hours after I was put into the cheated upon this subject, I, WILLIAM same yard with him; and that it is the place COBBETT, of Botley, in Hampshire, put of confinement for men guilty of unnatural upon record the following facts; to wit: crimes, of whom there are four in it at this That, on the 24th June, 1809, the follow- time; that, besides this imprisonment, I ing article was published in a London was sentenced to pay a thousand pounds TO news-paper, called the COURIER:- THE KING, and to give security for my "The Mutiny amongst the LOCAL MI- good behaviour for seven years, myself in "LITIA, which broke out at Ely, was the sum of 3,000 pounds, and two sureties "fortunately suppressed on Wednesday, in the sum of 1,000 pounds each; that the by the arrival of four squadrons of the whole of this sentence has been executed " GERMAN LEGION CAVALRY from upon me, that I have been imprisoned the "Bury, under the command of General two years, have paid the thousand pounds "Auckland. Five of the ringleaders were TO THE KING, and have given the bail, "tried by a Court-Martial, and sentenced Timothy Brown and Peter Walker, Esqrs. "to receive 500 lashes each, part of which being my sureties; that the Attorney Genepunishment they received on Wednes- ral was Sir Vicary Gibbs, the Judge who "day, and a part was remitted. A stop- sat at the trial Lord Ellenborough, the four page for their knapsacks was the ground Judges who sat at passing sentence Ellen "of the complaint that excited this muti- borough, Grose, Le Blanc, and Bailey; and nous spirit, which occasioned the men to that the jurors were, Thomas Rhodes of "surround their officers, and demand what Hampstead Road, John Davis of Southamp"they deemed their arrears. The first di- ton Place, James Ellis of Tottenham Court "vision of the German Legion halted yes- Road, John Richards of Bayswater, Thomas "terday at Newmarket on their return to Marsham of Baker Street, Robert Heath"Bury. -That, on the 1st July, 1809, cote of High Street Marylebone, John Maud I published, in the Political Register, an of York Place Marylebone, George Baxter article censuring, in the strongest terms, of Church Terrace Pancras, Thomas Taylor these proceedings; that, for so doing, the of Red Lion Square, David Deane of St. Attorney General prosecuted, as seditious John Street, William Palmer of Upper Street libellers, and by Ex-Officio Information, Islington, Henry Favre of Pall Mall; that me, and also my printer, my publisher, and the Prime Ministers during the time were one of the principal retailers of the Politica! Spencer Perceval, until he was shot by John Register; that I was brought to trial on the Bellingham, and after that Robert B. Jen15th June, 1810, and was, by a Special kinson, Earl of Liverpool; that the proseJury, that is to say, by 12 men out of 48 cution and sentence took place in the reign appointed by the Master of the Crown Of- of King George the Third, and that, he fice, found guilty; that, on the 20th of the having become insane during my imprisonsame mouth, I was compelled to give bailment, the 1,000 pounds was paid to his for my appearance to receive judgment; and son, the Prince Regent, in his behalf; that, that, as I came up from Botley (to which during my imprisonment, I wrote and pubplace I had returned to my family and my lished 364 Essays and Letters upon politifarm on the evening of the 15th), a Tip-cal subjects; that, during the same time, staff went down from London in order to I was visited by persons from 197 cities seize me, personally; that, on the 9th of and towns, many of them as a sort of deJuly, 1810, I, together with my printer, puties from Societies or Clubs; that, at the publisher, and the newsman, were brought expiration of my imprisonment, on the 9th into the Court of King's Bench to receive of July, 1812, a great dinner was given in judgment; that the three former were sen- London for the purpose of receiving me, at tenced to be imprisoned for some months in which dinner upwards of 600 persons were the King's Bench prison; that I was sen- present, and at which Sir Francis Burdett tenced to be imprisoned for two years in presided; that dinners and other parties Newgate, the great receptacle for malefac- were held on the same occasion in many tors, and the front of which is the scene of other places in England; that, on my way

23

home, I was received at Alton, the first town in Hampshire, with the ringing of the Church bells; that a respectable company met me and gave me a dinner at Winchester; that I was drawn from more than the distance of a mile into Botley by the people; that, upon my arrival in the village, I found all the people assembled to receive me; that I concluded the day by explaining to them the cause of my imprisonment, and by giving them clear notions respecting the flogging of the Local Militia-men at Ely, and respecting the employment of German Troops; and, finally, which is more than a compensation for my losses and all my sufferings, I am in perfect health and strength, and, though I must, for the sake of six children, feel the diminution that has been made in my property (thinking it right in me to declitie the offer of a subscription), I have the consolation to see growing up three sons, upon whose hearts, I trust, all these facts will be engraven.

WM. COBBETT.

Botley, July 23, 1812.

To MR. RICHárd Kittle, oF NORWICH.

Dear Sir,

in

I have this moment received your letter of the 19th, informing me, that you, and other friends of freedom and enemies of corruption, have fixed on the 3d day of August next for giving me a dinner at the White Swan in your city, and that you tend to advertise in both the Norwich papers to that effect. By this time you will have received a letter from me, containing the reasons for my at present foregoing the very great honour which I was before informed you intended me; but, as I owe a similar explanation to all our friends in and near your public-spirited city, I here repeat, that I found my farm so imperiously to demand my presence, especially at this important season of the year, and with a sense of my recent losses in my mind, and prudence dictating, at the same time, the removal of my family from a gentleman's house to a farm house, that I could not bring myself to resolve to leave home, anxious as I was to see and shake by the hand the friends of freedom at Norwich. If the object of my absence had been the rendering of some greater service to the cause of freedom than I could render by remaining at home, the reasons I have given would not have been a sufficient apology for the disappointment I shall occasion; but, as the object would have been no other

than the receiving of a self-gratification, I
trust that you and all our friends will have
the goodness to accept, in the lieu of the
personal attendance, the most sincere thanks
for your kind intention, and an assurance
that I shall always esteem it amongst the
best compensations for the losses and the
sufferings of your faithful friend,
WM. COBBETT.

Botley, July 23, 1812.

MINISTERIAL NEGOCIATIONS.
DOCUMENTS PUBLISHED, RELATING TO THE

LATE NEGOCIATIONS FOR MAKING A NEW
MINISTRY.

(Continued from page 96.)

than that which arose from the necessity of giving to a new government that character of efficiency and stability, and those marks of the constitutional support of the crown, which were required to enable it to act usefully for the public service; and that on these grounds it appeared to them indispensable, that the connexion of the great offices of the court with the political administration should be clearly established in its first arrangements,-A decided difference of opinion as to this point having been thus expressed on both sides, the conversation ended here, with mutual declarations of regret.-Nothing was said on the subject of official arrangements, nor any persons proposed on either side to fill any par

ticular situations.

[blocks in formation]

My dear Lord,-A just anxiety not to leave any thing subject to misunderstanding, must excuse me if I am troublesome to you. Since I quitted you, the necessity of being precise in terms has occurred to me: and, although I think I cannot have mistaken you, I wish to know if I am accurate in what I apprehend you to have said. I understood the position, stated by you as having been what you advanced in the House of Lords, to be this, "That pledges "had been given to the Catholics, a de

66

parture from which rendered their pre"sent disappointment more galling; and "that you said this in the hearing of persons who could contradict you if you

[ocr errors]
« ÀÌÀü°è¼Ó »