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posing them to be such, as I really think they are, does the reader suppose, that our government possess a license to commit acts of aggression, and to put forward its mere cessation of them as a ground for peace with the offended party ? This is not the way with our governinent, either abroad or at home. It is always talking of “indemnity for the past and security for the future ;” and, why are we to suppose that the American Government will not talk in the same way? If a man offend our government, does it say, “cease to offend us, and there is an end of the matter?” No : this is not the language it is now making use of to the people in the Luddite counties. It punishes them, when it can catch them; and shall it lay it down as a maxim, that it is never to be made responsible for what it does?—The reader may be assured, that the Americans do not consider it as exempted from the usual laws and principles by which nations regulate their conduct towards each other; and, he may be further assured, that the inquiries relative to the state of our manufacturers will not, when read in America, tend to lower her tone. She is now armed ; she has got over her great reluctance to inlist soldiers and to fit out armed vessels; and, she will, in my opinion, never lay down her arms, that is to say, she will never make peace with us, until we agree to make her ample compensation for her losses and injuries under the Orders in Council, and also agree to desist from impressing any persons on board her ships at Sea. Are we prepared for this 2 Are the associates of Perceval ready to give up these points? Are they ready to pay for what has been captured under regulations, which the Americans regard as a violation of their rights ; and are they ready to make it a crime in any English officer to seize seamen on board American ships at sea? If they are, we shall certainly soon be at peace with America; if they are not, my opinion is, that we shall have war with her, till those points are given up. The close of the pretended Letter from Liverpool is curious. It observes that, ** when the Senate came to the resolution “ of declaring war, the account of Mr. ** Perceval’s death had not reached Washington.” As much as to say, that if the news of his death had reached Washington, war might not have been declared And this is the way in which the friends of the little dead lawyer speak of him, is it? They leave us clearly to inser, that

the news of his death; the bare news of his death, might have prevented a war with America: And yet have these same writers the impudence to call the people of Nottingham, and other places, monsters because they expressed their joy upon receiving that same news! In conclusion. ! beg the reader to bear in mind, that i have been nearly two years endeavouring to preyent a war with America; that, very soon aster I was sentenced to be imprisoned two years in Newgate and to pay a thousand pounds to the King, for writing about the flogging of English Local Militia-meu at the town of Ely and about the employing of German Troops upon that occasion; i beg the reader to bear in mind, that, very soon after that imprisonment commenced, I began my most earnest endeavours to Prevent, this war, the most fatal, I fear, of all the many wars in which we have been engaged, since the present King mounted the throne. I was enabled to teii Pretty exactly what would come to pass, unless we redressed the grievances of Ame. rica without delay. I had letters from America, written by persons of a little more understanding than appears to be possessed by those from whom our lawyers get their information. I did not know to what extent the merchants of America might submit to have their property seized; but I was well assured, that the American people would no longer suffer their seamen to be impressed upon the open sea. This I was positively told nearly two years ago; and, I am now particularly anxious tu impress it upon the minds of the ministers; for, they may be assured, that the American Government, if it has actually declared war, will never make peace till that point is settled to the satisfaction of the American people; till, in short, we agree to desist wholly from taking any person whatever out of an American ship at sea. I am aware how stinging it will be to some persons in England to yield one jot to Auerica. I am aware how inuch more they hate her government than they hate that of France. I am aware how glad they would be to hear of the United States being swallowed up by an earthquake. Not so, however, the people of England generally, who do not grudge any thing that is yielded to America so much as they do what is yielded to other powers. They do not, besides, see very clearly the advantages they are to derive from the keeping down of the Americans by the means of the English navy. They do

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to her safety. When, therefore, another offer of peace has been made to us, it be

hoves us to inquire what were the terms

roposed. In another part of this Num{...} have inserted the letter of the Duke of Bassano, containing the proposition of the Emperor Napoleon, and also the answer of Lord Castlereagh. The proposition has been represented as unfair, insidious, and I know not what besides; but, in my opinion, a proposition more fair, more frank, and, the circumstances considered, more moderate, never was made by one nation to another at the opening of a negociation. The basis is, each party shall keep in peace the territories of which the other has not been able to deprive him ty war. This is the proposed basis; or, at least, it is the main stone of it. And, what can be more fair; what more explicit or comprehensive; what more reasonable? To reject a basis like this is to proclaim a disposition to continue war, without end and without object. But, it is, it may be said to other parts of the overture, that Lord Castlereagh objects. He objects to the leaving of Spain in the hands of King Joseph. This point, has already cost us four years of war at the rate of about 20,000,000 of pounds a year, and how many men it has cost I cannot even venture to guess. Eighty millions of money is, however, something; and, it would seem that we are very far indeed from being at the end of the account.——The overture of Napoleon is, by Lord Castlereagh, understood to mean, that, as to Spain, the present king, Joseph is to reign there ; and, this being the case, the Prince Regent cannot consent to treat, because he “ owes it “ to his honour,” because he is bound by treaty to Ferdinand and his Cortes. Really I do not see how he can be so bound. Ferdinand has lived in France ever since the war began in Spain. I am at a loss to imagine how he can be said to have any

treaty at all with us. If we look upon his abdication in favour of Napoleon as nothing at all, still we must know that the man is in France; we must know that he has never received any Embassador from England; that he has signed no treaty, and that he has, in fact, no power whatever as a king. Besides, who made him a king * How came he to be considered king of Spain? His father is alive; and, while he lives, how can his son be king? Why, they tell us, that the king, his father, abdicated the throne in favour of his son. But, the father has since declared, in the most public and solemn manner, that, in abdicating, he yielded to fear; that the abdication was extorted from him at the perilof his life, and, upon that ground he resumed his crown. Besides, is the right of Ferdinand will stand upon the ground of an abdication in his favour, why will not the right of Napoleon stand upon the same ground, since we know well, that Ferdinand abdicated the throne in favour of Napoleon; If ab

dication is to hold good in the one case,

why not in the other? If Ferdinand can acquire a crown by the abdication of its possessor, why can he not dispose of it in the same way?—It has been said, that the abdication was extorted from Ferdinand; but, we have not heard that he himself has made any such complaint. It is our kind and generous government that makes the complaint for him. But, at any rate, it was but extorting from him that which his own father had accused him of having extorted. If Ferdinand, in the face of his father's protest, had a right to possess the crown, surely any one to whom he might make it over could not fail in his right of possession. So much for the legitimacy of Ferdinand's rights. This, however, is a trifle compared with the design, now clearly developed, of continuing the war though Portugal is offered to be guaranteed to the House of Braganza. What could we expect more than this? This seemed, at one time, to be an object beyond our hopes; and now when the enemy offers it to us, and offers besides to leave us in possession of all the French and Dutch and Danish Islands, containing about 35 millions of inhabitants, nearly twice the number that France has added to her subjects; when the independence of Sicily is offered to be guaranteed; and when the Emperor offers to leave us in quiet possession of Malta; aye, of that MALTA, which was the cause, and the sole professed cause, of this war of Trojan duration; when even 109]

Malta is offered to be left to us, our government declines to treat, it rejects the overture, for the sake of Ferdinand and his Corles' When, then, are we to have peace? We have it now in our power to see Portugal independent of the French, to see Sicily in a state to dispense with the aid of an English army and an English subsidy; and, at the same time, we may retain possession of all the immense conquests that we have made during the war, all the French and Dutch settlements in all parts of the world. In short, Napoleon gives up to us three quarters of the globe, excepting the American States, which are not his to give. I shall be told, perhaps, that the guaranteeing of the independence of Portugal and of Sicily would be of no use; for, that the enemy would seize on them in peace, or declare war again for the purpose, as soon as our troops were withdrawn. This is possible; but, then, he who tells me this, must recollect that his argument goes to establish the necessity of eternal war, or, at least, war to the extermination of Napoleon, and of all those who shall posssess his power and act upon his policy; for, the same possibility will exist next year as well as this year, and every

year as long as the power and territories of

the French empire shall remain what they now are. The truth is, that the terms offered as a basis of peace are fair and reasonable, and, for a first offer, very moderate; but, our government appears to be afraid of peace. It is obviously afraid, that guarantees would be useless in behalf of Sicily and Portugal; it is afraid that Napoleon would seize on them the moment our troops should be withdrawn, and it feels that it would have no power to punish him sor so doing There's the rub The great, the giant power of France; the intrinsic strength of that empire; this it is that frightens our government, and makes those who have the management of it alarmed at the idea of peace; and this giant power has been created by those coalitions against republicanism, of which England was the soul. Were not this the case it would be impossible for any set of ministers to think for one moment of rejecting an offer like that contained in the letter of the Duke of Bassano, which offer, as I observed before, gives up all that we have ever contended for, except Spain; and, if it be said, that Spain in family alliance with France would be dangerous to us, let it be borne in mind, that Spain has been

JULY 25, 1812.-Bristol Election.—English Liberty of the Press.

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in that state for more than a century, and that, even at the last peace, the peace of Amiens, Spain was so completely in alliance with France, that the latter negociated for her. If not, then, with an offer such as is now made us; if we have now no chance of peace, when are we to hope for it? If we are not to have peace till the giant power of France is reduced, who amongst us can reasonably hope to see peace again? I shall return to this subject in my next.

Bristol Election. This contest is, for the present, at an end. It has been decided against MP. Hunt by a large majority; but, let it be borne in mind, that the election has been carried on under the “protection” of soldiers. This is a perfect novelty, even in this age of novelties. That there will be another election is certain; for, unless there be, there is an end, at once, to even the slightest show of the elective franchise. The nation is indebted to the people of Bristol for the stand that they have made against corrupt influence ; and the people of Bristol are indebted to Mr. Hunt for having been enabled to make that stand; they are indebted to him, and to him alone, for having had AN ELECTION, or any thing in the shape of an election. I shall, in my next, when in full possession of all the facts relating to this glorious struggle against corruption, put those facts upon record in a way that I think most likely to give them the best chance of producing effect.

ENGLish LIBERTY of the PREss. It appears to me to be necessary to put upon record, in a compact form, all the principal facts relating to the prosecution carried on against me, and the punishment inflicted upon me. I shall now state these facts here; and, in my next, and in every future Mumber of the Register, if it continue to be published as long as I live, it shall form the last page; so that, in time, it may be read by every man in every country where the English language is understood; and so that it may, if people choose, be cut off, and pasted upon walls or other places.— I have confined myself to bare facts; facts which nobody can deny. I have had recourse to no colouring at all. Here are the unvarnished facts, and let every man form. his own judgment upon them.

e

ENGLISH LIBERTY OF THE PRESS,

As illustrated in the Prosecution and Punishment of

WILLIAM COBBETT.

In order that my countrymen and that the world may not be deceived, duped, and cheated upon this subject, I, WILLIAM COBBETT, of Botley, in Hampshire, put upon record the following facts; to wit: That, on the 24th June, 1809, the following article was published in a London news-paper, called the Cour Ef : “The Mutiny amongst the LOCAL MI“LITIA, which broke out at Ely, was “fortunately suppressed on Wednesday, “ by the arrival of four squadrons of the ** GERMAN LEGION CAVALRY from “Bury, under the command of General “Auckland. Five of the ringleaders were “ tried by a Court-Martial, and sentenced “to receive 500 lashes each, part of which “punishment they received on Wednes“day, and a part was remitted. A stop“page for their knapsacks was the ground “of the complaint that excited this muti“nous spirit, which occasioned the men to “surround their officers, and demand what “they deemed their arrears. The first di“vision of the German Legion halted yes“terday at Newmarket on their return to “Bury.” That, on the 1st July, 1809, I published, in the Political Register, an article censuring, in the strongest terms, these proceedings; that, for so doing, the Attorney General prosecuted, as seditious libellers, and by Ex-Officio Information, me, and also my printer, my publisher, and one of the principal retailers of the Political Register; that I was brought to trial on the 15th June, 1810, and was, by a Special Jury, that is to say, by 12 men out of 48 appointed by the Master of the Crown Office, found guilty; that, on the 20th of the same month, I was compelled to give bail for my appearance to receive judgment; and that, as I came up from Botley (to which place I had returned to my family and my farm on the evening of the 15th), a Tipstaff went down from London in order to seize me, personally; that, on the 9th of July, 1810, I, together with my printer, publisher, and the newsman, were brought into the Court of King's Bench to receive judgment; that the three former were sentenced to be imprisoned for some months in the King's Bench prison; that I was sentenced to be imprisoned for two years in Newgate, the great receptacle for malefactors, and the front of which is the scene of

numerous hangings in the course of every year; that the part of the prison in which I was sentenced to be confined is sometimes inhabited by felons, that felons were actually in it at the time I entered it; that one man was taken out of it to be transported in about 48 hours after I was put into the same yard with him; and that it is the place of confinement for men guilty of unnatural crimes, of whom there are four in it at this time; that, besides this imprisonment, I was sentenced to pay a thousand pounds TO THE KING, and to give security for my good behaviour for seven years, myself in the sum of 3,000 pounds, and two sureties in the sum of 1,000 pounds each; that the whole of this sentence has been executed upon me, that I have been imprisoned the two years, have paid the thousand pounds TO THE KING, and have given the bail, Timothy Brown and Peter Walker, Esqrs. being my sureties; that the Attorney General was Sir Vicary Gibbs, the Judge who sat at the trial Lord Ellenborough, the four Judges who sat at passing sentence Ellenborough, Grose, Le Blanc, and Bailey; and that the jurors were, Thomas Rhodes of Hampstead Road, John Davis of Southampton Place, James Ellis of Tottenham Court Road, John Richards of Bayswater, Thomas Marsham of Baker Street, Robert Heathcote of High Street Marylebone, John Maud of York Place Marylebone, George Baxter of Church Terrace Pancras, Thomas Taylor of Red Lion Square, David Deane of St. John Street, William Palmer of Upper Street Islington, Henry Favre of Pall Mall; that the Prime Ministers during the time were Spencer Perceval, until he was shot by John Bellingham, and after that Robert B. Jenkinson, Earl of Liverpool ; that the prosecution and sentence took place in the reign of King George the Third, and that, he having become insane during my imprisonment, the 1,000 pounds was paid to his son, the Prince Regent, in his behalf; that, during my imprisonment, I wrote and published 364 Essays and Letters upon political subjects; that, during the same time, I was visited by persons from 197 cities and towns, many of them as a sort of deputies from Societies or Clubs; that, at the expiration of my imprisonment, on the 9th of July, 1812, a great dinner was given in London for the purpose of receiving me, at which dinner upwards of 600 persons were present, and at which Sir Francis Burdett presided; that dinners and other parties were held on the same occasion in many other places in England; that, on my way home, I was received at Alton, the first town in Hampshire, with the ringing of the Church bells; that a respectable company met me and gave me a dinner at Winchester; that I was drawn from more than the distance of a mile into Botley by the people; that, upon my arrival in the village, I found all the people assembled to receive me; that I concluded the day by explaining to them the cause of my imprisonment, and by giving them clear notions respecting the flogging of the Local Militia-men at Ely, and respecting the employment of German Treops; and, finally, which is more than a compensation for my losses and all my sufferings, I am in perfect health and strength, and, though I must, for the sake of six children, feel the diminution that has been made in my property (thinking it right in me to decline the offer of a subscription), I have the consolation to see growing up three sons, upon whose hearts, I trust, all these facts will be engraven. WM. COBBETT. Botley, July 23, 1812.

To Ma. Rich ARD Kittle, of Norwich.

Dear Sir,

I have this moment received your letter of the 19th, informing me, that you, and other friends of freedom and enemies of corruption, have fixed on the 3d day of August next for giving me a dinner at the White Swan in your city, and that you intend to advertise in both the Norwich papers to that effect. By this time you will have received a letter from me, containing the reasons for my at present foregoing the very great honour which I was before informed you intended me; but, as I owe a similar explanation to all our friends in and near your public-spirited city, I here repeat, that I found my farm so imperiously to demand my presence, especially at this important season of the year, and with a sense of my recent losses in my mind, and prudence dictating, at the same time, the removal of my family from a gentleman's house to a farm house, that I could not bring myself to resolve to leave home, anxious as I was to see and shake by the hand the friends of freedom at Norwich. If the object of my absence had been the rendering of some greater service to the cause of freedom than I could render by remaining at home, the reasons I have given would not have been a sufficient apology , for the disappointment I shall occasion; but, as the object would have been no other

than the receiving of a self gratification, I trust that you and all our friends will have the goodness to accept, in the lieu of the personal attendance, the most sincere thanks for your kind intention, and an assurance that I shall always esteem it amongst the best compensations for the losses and the sufferings of your faithful friend, WM. COBBETT.

Botley, July 23, 1812.

MINISTERIAL NEcoCIATIONS.

Docu MENT's publish Ep, RELATING to the LATE NEGociations for MAKING A New Mixist RY.

(Continued from page 96.)

than that which arose from the necessity of giving to a new government that character of efficiency and stability, and those marks of the constitutional support of the crown, which were required to enable it to act usefully for the public service; and that on these grounds it appeared to them indispensable, that the connexion of the great osfices of the court with the political administration should be clearly established in its first arrangements, A decided difference of opinion as to this point having been thus expressed on both sides, the conversation ended here, with mutual declarations of regret.—Nothing was said on the subject of official arrangements, nor any persons proposed on either side to fill any particular situations.

B. and C. Two Letters (which passed be. tween Lords Moira and Grey) subjoined for the purpose of throwing light on the ground of part of these transactions. (B.) —May 31st, 1812.

My dear Lord, A just anxiety not to leave any thing subject to misunderstanding, must excuse me if I am troublesome to you. Since I quitted you, the necessity of being precise in terms has occurred to me: and, although I think I cannot have mistaken you, I wish to know if I am accurate in what I apprehend you to have said. I understood the position, stated by you as having been what you advanced in the House of Lords, to be this, “That pledges “had been given to the Catholics, a de“ parture from which rendered their pre“sent disappointment more galling; and “that you said this in the hearing of per“sons who could contradict you if you

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