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"to raise offered to chalk me out a big piece upon a the object of which meeting was, money" by subscription for "supporting board. I forget the way in which I vented "the election of Sir Samuel Romilly at my rage against him; but, the offer has "Bristol ;" and it is added, that a large never quitted my memory. Yet, really, sum was accordingly raised. This meeting this seems to come up to the notion of Mr. appears to me to have for its object the de- Mills: the carpenter offered me SOMEeeiving of the electors of Bristol; an object, THING LIKE a big piece of bread and however, which I am satisfied will not be cheese. Oh! no, Gentlemen, it is not this I do something like that you want, you want accomplished to any great extent. not mean to say, that Sir Samuel Romilly the thing itself; and, if Sir Samuel Rowould use deceit; but, I am quite sure, milly meant that you should have it, do you that there are those who would use it upon believe, that neither he, nor any one for this occasion. The truth is, that the rais- him, would have made any specific promise ing of these large sums of money (amount- upon the subject? Even after Mr. Mills ing already, they say, to £8,000) proves had said that you wanted something like Reform, there was nobody who ventured that Sir Samuel Romilly does not put his trust in the FREE VOICE of the people to say, that Sir Samuel Romilly would enof Bristol. At this meeting MR. BARING, deavour to procure even that for you. His one of the persons who makes the loans to friends were told, that, if he would disthe government, was in the chair. This tinctly pledge himself to reform, whether alone is a circumstance sufficient to enable in place or out of place, Mr. Hunt, who you to judge not only of the character of only wished to see that measure accomthe meeting, but also of what sort of con- plished, would himself assist in his elecduct is expected from Sir Samuel Romilly tion; but, this Sir Samuel Romilly has not* if he were placed in parliament by the done, and, therefore, he is not the man means of this subscription. Mr. WHIT- whom you ought to choose, though he is BREAD was also at the meeting, and spoke beyond all comparison better than hundreds of other public men, and though he is, in in favour of the subscription. But, we Mr. many respects, a most excellent member of must not be carried away by names. Whitbread does many good things; but parliament. Gentlemen, these friends of Sir Samuel Romilly call upon you to choose Mr. Whitbread is not always right. Mr. Whitbread subscribed to bring Mr. Sheri-him, because he is, they tell you, a dedan in for Westminster, and was, indeed, cided enemy of the measures of the prethe man who caused him to obtain the ap- sent ministers. Now, they must very well pearance of a majority; Mr. Whitbread know, that all those measures have had the supported that same Sheridan afterwards decided support of the parliament. Well, against Lord Cochrane; and though Mr. then, do these his friends allow, that the Whitbread is so ready to subscribe now, parliament are the real representatives of he refused to subscribe to the election of Sir the people, and that they speak the people's Francis Burdett, notwithstanding the elec- voice? tion was in a city of which he was an inhabitant and an Elector. These, Gentlemen, are facts, of which you should be apprized; otherwise names might deceive

you.

I beg to observe also, that, at this meeting, there was nothing said about a parliamentary reform, without which you must be satisfied no good of any consequence can be done. There was, indeed, a MR. MILLS, who said he came from Bristol, who observed that the great majority of the inhabitants of Bristol felt perfectly con"vinced of the necessity of SOMETHING "LIKE Reform." And is this all? Does your conviction go no farther than this? I remember, that, when a little boy, I was crying to my mother for a bit of bread and cheese, and that a journeyman carpenter, who was at work hard by, compassionately

If Sir Samuel's friends do allow this, then they do, in fact, say, that he is an enemy to all those measures which the people's voice approves of; and, if they do not allow this; if they say that the parliament do not speak the people's voice and are not their real representatives, how can they hope that any man will do you any good who is not decidedly for a reform of that parliament? Let the meeting at the Crown and Anchor answer these questions, or, in the name of decency, I conjure them to hold their tongues, and to put their subscriptions back again into their pockets.

To say the truth (and this is not a time to disguise it from you) this subscription is a subscription against, and not for, the If Sir Samuel Rofreedom of election. milly's friends were willing to put their trust in the free good will of the people of Bristol, why raise money in such large

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quantities, and especially why resort to a little, snug, rotten-borough-like election, party men and to loan makers for this pur-was, at that moment, getting up in that pose? They will say, perhaps, that the very city, for the interest and honour of money is intended for the purpose of car- which they were affecting so much conrying down the London voters and for that cern! And, can you, then, believe them of fetching voters from elsewhere; but, sincere? Can you believe, that they have why are they afraid to put their trust in the any other view than merely that of securing resident voters of Bristol? The object of a seat for the party in Bristol? Can you this subscription is very far indeed from doubt, that the contest, on their part, is resembling the object of that which was not for the principle but for the seat? set on foot in Westminster, which was not to gain votes by dint of money, but merely to pay the expenses of printing, of clerks, and other little matters inseparable from an election at Westminster, and the whole of which did not amount to more than about eight hundred pounds; whereas as many thousands are stated to be already subscribed for procuring the election of Sir Samuel Romilly. In short, this attempt of the friends of Sir Samuel Romilly is like many others that have been made before. It is purse against purse. Mr. PROTHERO has shaken his purse at Sir Samuel; and, as the latter does not choose to engage with his own purse, his friends, with a loan maker at their head, came forward to make up a purse for him; and the free and unbought voice of the electors of Bristol is evidently intended by neither party to have any weight at all in the decision.

He

Having pointed out this circumstance to your attention, it is hardly necessary for me to advert to the conduct of Mr. Hunt, which, in this case in particular, forms a contrast with that of the other parties too striking not to have produced a lasting impression upon your minds. He does not content himself with talking about defending your liberties. He acts as well as talks. He hears that the enemy is in your camp, and he flies to rescue you from his grasp. He does not waste his time in a tavern in London, drawing up flourishing resolutions about "public spirit." hastens amongst you; he looks your and his adversary in the face; he shows you that you may depend upon him in the hour of trial. These, Gentlemen, are marks of such a character in a representative as the times demand. Sir Samuel Romilly is a very worthy gentleman; an honest man; a humane man; a man that could not, in my opinion, be, by any means, tempted to do a cruel or dishonest act; and he is, too, a man of great talents. But, I have no scruple to say, that I should prefer, and greatly prefer, Mr. Hunt to Sir Samuel Romilly, as a member of parliament; for, while I do not know, and do not believe, that the latter excels the former in honesty or humanity, I am convinced that his ta

Let us now return and take a view of the political picture which Bristol at this moment presents. And, here, the first observation that strikes one, is, that neither the friends of Sir Samuel Romilly nor the friends of Mr. Prothero say one word in opposition to Mr. HART DAVIS, though he avowedly stands upon the principles of Mr. Bragge and the present ministers; though he quitted his canvass about ten weeks ago, to come express to London to vote in fa-lents, though superior, perhaps, in their vour of the Orders in Council; and though kind, are not equal, in value to the public, he now says, that he will tread in the steps to the talents possessed by Mr. Hunt, who of Mr. Bragge. Though they have all this is, at this moment, giving you a specimen before their eyes, not one single syllable of the effect of those talents. does any one of them utter against the pre- Gentlemen, the predominance of Lawtensions or the movements of Mr. Davis;yers, in this country, has produced amongst and, though the meeting at the Crown and us a very erroneous way of thinking with Anchor took place several days after the respect to the talents of public men; and, Bristol and Colchester writs were moved contrary to the notions of the world in for, and though the parties at the meeting general, we are apt to think a man great in must necessarily have been well acquainted mind in proportion to the glibness of his with all that I have above stated to you tongue. With us, to be a great talker is upon the subject of those writs, not one to be a great man; but, perhaps, a falser word did they utter against the pretensions rule of judging never was adopted. It is of Mr. Davis, nor did they (according to so far from being true as a general maxim, the printed report of their proceedings) that it is generally the contrary of the even mention his name, or take the smallest truth; and, if you look back through the notice of the circumstance, that an election, list of our own public men, you will find,

that, in general, they have been shallow and mischievous in proportion to their gift of talking. We have been brought to our present miserable state by a lawyer-like policy, defended in lawyer-like debates. Plain good sense has been brow-beaten out of countenance; has been talked down, by the politicians from the bar; haranguing and special pleading and quibbling have usurped the place of frank and explicit statement and unsophistical reasoning. In Mr. Hunt you have no lawyer, but you have a man who is not to be brow-beaten into silence. You have a man not to be intimidated by the frowns or the threats of wealth or of rank; a man not to be induced to abandon his duty towards you from any considerations of danger to himself; and, I venture to foretel (begging that my words may be remembered) that, if you elect him, the whole country will soon acknowledge the benefit conferred on it by the city of Bristol.

THE LUDDITES.

No. I.

Message of the Prince Regent to the two Houses of Parliament.-Sealed Papers and Secret Committee.-Nature of the Ballot for a Committee.-Publications in the TIMES and COURIER news-papers for the purpose of feeling the public pulse.

"Englishmen, now is your time to watch "the WHIGS!"

This is the title which I intend to give to the several articles, which I shall necessarily have to write upon the subject of the measures now about to be adopted by the government, with regard to the counties of England, which have, for some time past, been in a state of disturbance.-It is well known, that the frame-breakers in Nottingham took the name of Luddites; that this name has since spread into the neighbouring counties; and that several counties have, for many months, been in a state of great trouble. -On Saturday, the 27th of June, the following Message was delivered to the two Houses of Parliament, to the Lords by VISCOUNT SIDMOUTH and to the Commons by LORD CASTLEREAGH." GEORGE P.R.-His Royal Highness "the Prince Regent, in the name and on "behalf of his Majesty, has given orders

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"tinue to take place, in certain counties of

Gentlemen, this letter will, in all likelihood, find you engaged in the bustle of an election. With all the advantages on the side of your adversary, you may not, perhaps, upon the present occasion, be able to defeat him. But, you will have a chance; you will have an opportunity of trying; you will have an election; and this you would not have had if it had not been for Mr. Hunt, for the whole affair would have" that there be laid before the House of been over before you had scarcely heard of Commons, Copies of Information reit. At the very least you will have some "ceived by his Majesty's Government, redays of liberty to speak your minds; to tell "lative to certain violent and dangerous Mr. Davis what you think of him and of "proceedings, in defiance of the laws, his predecessor; to declare aloud your" which have taken place, and which congrievances and your indiguation; and even for this liberty you will be indebted to Mr." the kingdom.-His Royal Highness conHunt, and solely to Mr. Hunt. You are "fidently relies on the wisdom of the told of the zeal of Mr. Prothero and Sir "House of Commons that they will adopt Samuel Romilly in your service; you are "such measures as are necessary to secure told of their desire to promote your interest "the lives and property of the peaceable and your honour; but, where are they" and loyal inhabitants of the disturbed now? Where are they when the enemy is "districts, and to restore order and tranin your city, when you were to have been handed over from Bragge Bathurst to Hart Davis as quietly as if you had been a cargo of tallow or of corn? It is now, it is in this moment of real need, that Mr. Hunt comes to your aid; and, if he fail in defeating, he will, at the least, harass your enemy, make his victory over you cost him dear, and by exposing the sources and means of his success, lay the foundation of his future defeat and disgrace.

I am, your friend,

WM. COBBETT.

State Prison, Newgate, Monday, 29th June, 1812.

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quillity. -The first remark that presents itself here is, that, so long as three weeks ago, Lord Castlereagh assured the House of Commons, that the accounts which were received by government from the disturbed counties were very satisfactory, more and more so every day. Either, therefore, he was misinformed, or the people have relapsed. On Monday the 29th of June, both Houses voted, without a division, an Address to the Regent, promising to take the subject into their consideration, and to adopt such measures as might be necessary to ensure the end pointed out in the latter part of the Message.

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-Upon this VITAL subject we must be "which the Committee was formed, if the very particular as to the names of all the "satisfaction of the people were looked to, actors.Lord Liverpool supported the "was of the utmost importance. (Hear, motion in the Lords, which was made by "hear!)-It ought to be of such a deLord Sidmouth; and Lord Stanhope moved scription, that the country would place an amendment, the object of which was to "reliance upon its wisdom and impartialishut out any project for suspending the Ha-"ty, and not to be merely composed of beas Corpus Act. Lord Holland went with "the creatures of ministerial nomination. Lord Stanhope; but the motion was adopt-"The question, that the Committee be ed. N. B. Not a word against the motion by Lord Grenville or Lord Grey.In the Commons the motion was made by LORD CASTLEREAGH. Mr. Whitbread and Sir Francis Burdett expressed their hope that nothing was about to be attempted against the great constitutional laws of England.

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"chosen by ballot was then put and car"ried, though there were a long number "of dissentient voices.-On the question "that Members prepare lists, and appear to-morrow to put them into the classes "appointed for their reception, Mr. WHIT"BREAD declared that he should not attend The next thing that was done" for that purpose, as experience had shewn "that it would be useless, since any list he

"It was ordered that the Papers commu"nicated by the Prince Regent should re"main sealed until the appointment of the "Committee.". -From this the reader will form his opinion of the nature of a ballot. But, indeed, a ballot is no more than this. Every member present at a given time, puts a ballot into a box, or something, with a list of any 21 members' names that he may choose to write on a ballot. When the Speaker takes out the ballots, he counts the number of times that he finds the several names written. These 21 members whose names are written the greatest number of times are the Committee. From this it follows, of course, that the majority of the House select the Committee. The name of ballot does, doubtless, lead some persons to suppose, that the names of all the members are put into a box, and that, as in the case of a common

was the making of a motion in both Houses for the appointment of a SECRET Com-"might prepare would be smothered in mittee to examine and report upon certain "the vast heap of names supplied by the papers that were laid upon the table," Noble Lord and his political friends.SEALED UP! The motion was, in the House of Commons (to which we will now confine ourselves), that the Committee should be appointed by ballot; that is to say, in fact, appointed by the ministry.What passed upon this subject was very interesting indeed. I will, therefore, insert it, and I beg the reader, especially if he be a young man, to make a point of bearing it in mind.- "LORD CASTLEREAGH then "moved, that the Papers he had this day presented, should be referred to a Committee, that it be a Committee of Secrecy, and that the number of Members "be 21, which were severally ordered. "His Lordship likewise moved, that the "members be chosen by ballot.-MR. "WHITBREAD protested against this mode "of proceeding, since, it would give the "Noble Lord the appointment of every "Member of the Commillee. He wished "that the Members of it should be public-jury, the first twenty-one names drawn ly named and chosen, that the House, "and not the Noble Lord, might have the "formation of the Committee. (Hear!) "LORD CASTLEREAGH persisted in his "motion, since he was certain that on no "side of the House on such a question "would party feelings be exercised; he was convinced that it would be treated "by Parliament in a manner, which while "it did it honour, would give satisfaction "to the people.-SIR F. BURDETT, looking "at the precedents to which Mr. Whit"bread had referred, could not help feel❝ing great jealousy as to the conduct of "Government; he hoped that the bounds "of the Constitution would not a-new be "transgressed by them. The mode in

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out are the names of the Committee; but, after what has been said above, no one will be deceived upon this subject again.

-The ministry did not, during the debate, develope their intended schemes. But, on the contrary, appeared extremely anxious to avoid making any explicit statement upon the subject. Mr. Whitbread, however, took occasion to anticipate any attempt upon the constitutional laws, as did also Sir Francis Burdett, and the former warned the ministers (by bidding them look at the example of other countries) of the consequences of resorting to measures unwarranted by the usual laws of the country. Mr. Wilberforce said something, and, as it was curious, we will have it upon record.

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"He entirely participated in the hope, that "they became assassins and incendiaries, they put themselves out of the protection "nothing would be found in the documents "of the LAW, and JUSTICE must be "laid upon the table to call for any extra"ordinary measures. He would not allow" done upon them." This is an excellent "himself even to express an opinion, lest phrase? The law is to be laid aside, and "it might give rise to feelings that ought justice is to be done Very good, indeed! "to be banished from all minds, that might But, this is the sort of trash that delight the "produce dissent instead of union, for the readers of this corrupt vehicle. In his. "accomplishment of an object of the great-paper of the 30th of June, this writer calls the people in the disturbed counties “aban"doned revolutionary miscreants." In short, he says every thing which malice and cruelty can suggest to him in order to prepare beforehand for a justification of any measures of severity that may be adopted. The Courier, the faithful fellowlabourer of the former print, sets about its work in a more elaborate manner. It begins, on Monday, the 29th of June, with accounts of acts of violence committed in Yorkshire, Staffordshire, and Nottinghamshire. And, having inserted those accounts, the hireling next sets about his work, the recommending of a suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, and the putting These the country under martial law. things he talks of as coolly as Lord Liverpool, some years back, talked of a march to Paris. Reader, does not this last sentence bring you back to the outset of the French Revolution, when this nation went to war to keep down republicans and levellers ? Really the contest has brought us to something at last! How far farther it will take us I do not know.—To return now to the accounts from the troubled counties, I think it necessary to insert them here; because, it will, hereafter, be very useful to be able to recur to these dawnings of a state of things, the like of which this country has not seen for a great while, and which will, if I mistake not, make a very considerable figure in history.—The Courier begins with Nottingham, a place at the very name of which every hireling's To be sure, he has knees knock together. nothing here to speak of but a squabble at the play-house; but, of that he makes the I beg the reader to pay attention to most. 66 Nottingham, 26 June.-The the Story."

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"est magnitude, not being at all acquainted "with the nature of the papers supplied, " and not having been present on Saturday "when the Message was brought down, he "C was, perhaps, of all men, the least competent to offer any thing to the House, "but he could not avoid rising to express "a wish, that the utmost calmness and "moderation might be observed in the deli"beration. Nearly connected as he was "with a district of the country most dis"turbed, he felt it necessary to conjure the "House, that the case of these unfortunate "and misguided people might be fully and "candidly weighed, that the result might "be the restoration of order, unanimity, "prosperity, and happiness."―This is a very curious speech. To speak, and say less than is here said, I should think extremely difficult. We will, reader, if you please, shew our respect towards this honourable member by keeping a steady eye upon him all through this affair. member his conduct at the times when former measures of the kind now in contemplation were proposed. I remember him at the time of the Bank stoppage, and upon various other trying occasions. - -While these things were going on in parliament, the venal press was not idle; especially the news-papers called the Times and the Courier. These prints began, at once, to pave the way for what was intended to follow; they began to feel the pulse of the people. The Message was carried down, as we have seen, on Saturday, and, on Monday morning the former of these prints began to announce, that it wished to see the rioters "put out of the protection of the law;" alleging, as a reason, that they were become assassins and incendiaries. But, even assassins and incendiaries have hitherto had" Theatre at this place has been abruptly "closed by command of the Town Magisthe law applied to their case. "trates in consequence of the tumultuous know why the word assassin is now so much in use. It seems that there are peo proceedings that have taken place on "several successive evenings, occasioned ple who think it more horrible in its sound than the word murderer. Be this as it by a request made to the Orchestra to "play the NATIONAL air of God save may, however, we have laws for the pu"the King. On the tune being called for nishment of persons guilty of murder and If this is all, we want no new "it has generally been accompanied with "When," says the vile Times," a cry of " hats off," which has produced

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