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were told, in 1793, that they had to choose between temporary privations and atheism and bloodshed. They were made to believe, that they would all kill one another, if they did not go to war with the French infidels and republicans. George Rose told them, a few years later, that they were a sensible people ; for that they i.--a r--o- * ot. “8 or a Port of totavia Froperty rather than be deprived of the “blessed comforts of religion ;” and, now, when the French are become royalists again, and go to mass as regularly as ever, we are told that we have to choose between want of food and the loss of independence, though, at the very same time, the Emperor of France, so far from proposing to encroach upon our independence, is willing to leave us in full possession of all the many and extensive and populous islands and countries that we have conquered during the war; and, over and above all these, that island of Malta, for the possession of which this war was avowedly undertaken. He is ready to yield even the plume ; even the point of honour. He is ready to give up that for which the contest began ; he, with all the charges of mad ambition and pride and haughtiness and insolence, which our ministers and their adherents are constantly preferring against him; mad, ambitious, proud, haughty, and insolent as

he is, he is ready to yield up the prize for

which he has been so long contending rather than not have peace.

hear? Why, new charges of ambition and of insolence; and, we are asked, whether we prefer being conquered to “tempo“rary privation.” No, Mr. Sheridan, we do not prefer being conquered to temporary privation; no, we do not prefer this; but, we do preser, or, I, at least, preser, a peace that would leave England in possession of all she holds, and put Portugal and Sicily into the hands of their sovereigns; I preser a peace like. this, with the usual accompaniments of peace, to the continuation of a war which has produced that state of things which is now in existence in England. I preser a peace that would leave us in possession of all our conquests and that would make no stipulations about our maritime rights, to a war that may yet reduce hundreds of thousands to beggary and despair, and may, eventually, leave us neither conquests nor security. This, Mr. Sheridan, is the way to state the alternative, and not the way in which you have stated it; and, you

And, in answer to such a proposition what do we

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ciates were not hanged for endeavouring to

destroy rotten boroughs; even those persons, Sir, are not now to be made believe, that the country is to be sunk into “a mio “serable existence” by peace, on a basis that will leave her in possession of the avowed object of the war, together with als the conquests, which she has made during that war, and the bare expense of the illu. minations and of the firing of the Park and Tower guns, on account of which conquests would go no small way in feeding the famishing manufacturers. No, Sir ; even those persons are not to be made believe, that such a peace would sink their country into a state of “miserable eristence.”

Equally inapplicable to the occasion was all

Mr. Sheridan's bombast about our maritime rights. “By war,” said he, “Buona“parte never, thank God, can deprive us “of those rights; and I trust in God, that “he never will by negociation (heart. “hear!). He complains of our zeal in “behalf of those rights; of our zeal to preserve inviolable the inheritance left us by our brave ancestors, and to transmit it unimpaired to our posterity. Let him show to us any other country possessed of the same rights and privileges as England, and exercising them with the same moderation/hear!/. I should be glad to see (not that it could be matter of much gratification either) but if this temperate con“queror were to be invested with similar rights and privileges, I should be curious to see the practical rebuke inflicted on English rapacity, by the character

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French ruler. (Hear! hear' hear!y England might challenge him to say, he could have done what she had on similar circumstances. He could be what she was Esne Qualis eram But rather than concede what it would be dishonour to “ yield; rather than stoop that flag that “ had waved high for England in every “ quarter of the world, I would scuttle the

istic self-denial, and moderation of the .

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“island, and let in the ocean to overwhelm “them and it, sooner than consent to a “surrender of that charter to which nature had set her seal, and which seemed to “have been secured by the guarantee of ** PROVIDENCE itself.” “ Pious “to the last !” This is such fustian as

might extort cheers from a dozen or two half drunken sailors in a Luous at role

down fair, where there are hundreds of them at this moment under the diverting influence of showmen and mountebanks of all degrees of skill and of all prices; but, I must regard it as a pretended and not a real speech of Mr. Sheridan, as far as relates to this passage. If we could regard it in any other light, what must we think of all this talk about the flag “waving high for England, and about scuttling the island;” what must we think of this Jack Tar-like slang; what must we think of all this in the way of answer to a proposition, which said not one single word about our flag, or our navy, or our maritime rights 2 Not only did the Emperor of France propose nothing hostile to our maritime rights, but he expressly proposed to leave us in possession of all those conquests, which our navy had enabled us to gain, and the continued possession of which necessarily implied a naval superiority in every part of the world. Why, then, does this hireling news-writer (for the thing must be his) attempt to make the people believe, that Napoleon has proposed to deprive us of our maritime rights? The reason is, that he sees the government has rejected the overture of France ; and, it is his business to justify that rejection. I shall return to the subject in my next ; and, in the mean while, I think, I can rest satisfied, that the people of England do, or will very soon, see the matter in its true light; and will not be long at a loss to discover the real cause of the rejection of an overture so manifestly fair, and to England so honourable and advantageous.

- WM. COBBETT. Bolley, July 28, 1812.

To Messrs. Wm. Barry, Preses, and Mr. John M'Naught, Secretary to the Meeting held at Paisley, at the Salulation Inn, on the 9th of July, 1812, to celebrale the termination of my imprisonment; and also to Mr. John Williams, one of a company of tradesmen met on the same day, and for the same purpose, : at Oxford. Gentlemen, In answer to the “Congratulatory

Letters,” which you, in the name of your respective Meetings, have been requested to write to me, be pleased to accept of my best thanks; and of my assurance, that these marks of your approbation, coming, as they do, accompanied with such indubitable testimonials of your wisdom and talents, will not fail to operate as a great encuarob------- ~ *r-y - ~~~! that, as to those “effusions of ENVY,” by which you perceive me to be assailed from so many quarters, and which you seem to look upon as calculated to excite disgust, I assure you, that they have with me a precisely contrary effect, as, indeed, they ought; for “effusions of ENVY" were never yet called forth without a tolerable share of merit in the object; and, if I am sensible, that I am envied beyond my merit, I ought to be the more anxious to make myself worthy of the honour that is thus involuntarily conferred upon me.

I thank you most sincerely for your kind wishes as to my family and domestic concerns; and I hope that not a man of you, and that no one belonging to you, will ever know distress, though that is, alas ! too much to hope with the prospect that we now have before us.

I am your faithful friend, WM. COBBETT. Botley, july 29, 1812.

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ENGLAND and FRANCE. Overtures for Peace by the Emperor Wapoleon.

(Continued from page 128.)

French and King of Italy, with respect to a system of Licenses to be introduced into Russia, in the same manner as in France; it being always understood, that it cannot be admitted till it has been ascertained that it is not calculated to augment the deterioration already experienced by the trade of Russia.--His Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias will engage also by this Convention, to treat, by a particular arrangement, for certain modifications, such as may be desired by France for the advantage of her trade in the Custom duties imposed by Russia, in 1810. Finally, his Majesty will also consent to bind himself to conclude a treaty of exchange, of the Duchy of Oldenburgh for a suitable equivalent, which shall be proposed by his Majesty the Emperor and King, and in which his Imperial Majesty will declare the protest withdrawn which he was about to publish, to support the rights of his family to the Duchy of Oldenburgh. Such are, my Lord Duke, the grounds which I have been ordered to point out, and the admission of which, in what relates to the evacuation of the Prussian States and Swedish Pomerania; the reduction of the garrison of Dantzic to its esta*:::"His ############## Sweden can alone render possible an amicable arrangement between our Courts. It is with much regret, notwithstanding the time which has elapsed since I communicated them verbally to your Excellency, that I still find myself altogether uncertain with respect to the effects of my proceedings. Notwithstanding the favourable inferences which I was happy, to draw from the interview which his Imperial and Royal Majesty was pleased to grant me on Monday, as well as the assurances I received from your Excellency, I cannot sorbear to inform your Excellency anew of that which I represented to his Majesty the Emperor, as well as formerly to you, viz. that if to my great regret the intelligence should reach me that Count Lauriston had quitted Petersburg, I would conceive it my duty to apply immediately for passports, and quit Paris. PRINce Alex. Ku Raki N.

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for me to indulge such hopes, because you yourself, my Lord Duke, had constantly in the course of the first interviews which sollowed my communications, encouraged them, by the justice which you did to the spirit in which those communications were conceived, at once conciliatory and pacific, and

-chiefly directed to satisfy his Moiesty the Emperor Napoleon, with respect to all the

requisitions he has hitherto made of Russia. His Majesty the Emperor and King, in the course of the audience granted one on April 27, having desired that I should immediately discuss with your Excellency the propositions which I was directed to make, had induced me to contemplate the possibility of giving an account to the Emperor, my master, after the lapse of a very little tune, of the reception his offers had met with. Never did circumstances of a nore urgent nature justify a desire, and entreaties consequent thereon, to receive a speedy answer; nevertheless, my Lord Duke, I have not yet received one. My pressing and reiterated applications, my daily visits to your Excellency, have been attended with no other result but your refusal to enter into an explanation with respect to the propositions in question, grounded on a want of orders to that effect from his Imperial and Royal Majesty. It is impossiole, my Lord Duke, to deceive oneself as to the fatal effects which such delays as these must inevitably produce. The daily increasing proximity of the armies of his lumperial and Royal Majesty and his Allies to the Russian Empire, may, in a moment, bring about events, after which all hope of the preservation of peace must vanish; and which, indeed, at this very time have destroyed the probability of preserving it. The only method by which Europe may be saved from the evils which menace iner, is the acceptance of the conciliatory offers which the Emperor, my master, has ordered me to make. Yet not only no answer from your Excellency has informed ine that they were accepted, but you have also hitherto refused to enter into the explanation I have solicited, and still solicit, with respect to the manner in which those offers are viewed, or to what, in the aggregate of our propositions, nay not have proved agreeable to the Emperor. Auidst the critical circumstances in which the two Empires are placed, the prolongation of such delays to explanations calculated to produce econciliation, admits of no other interpre|tation than a pre-conceived resolution not to. enter into any explanation of the kind, and

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preclude all hope of the expected answer, placed under the necessity of considering the withholding of such answer as an indication of an election being made of war, and my further stay at Paris is altogether superfluous; and deeply regretting that I have not been able to contribute to the preservation of that peace and alliance, in the

ing to your Excellency fresh assurances of
my high consideration.
The Duke of BAssano.

Copy of the Answer of Prince Kurakin to
the above Mote. Paris, April 27,
(May 9,) 1812.
My Lord Duke—I have just received a
letter from your Excellency, dated this
day; and you will permit me to evince my
great surprise at the question it contains,
and which I imagined I had completely
obviated by the frankness with which I
had communicated, without any reserve
whatever, the final instructions which I
received from His Imperial Majesty my
august master. Your Excellency is aware
of the conciliatory propositions which form
the object of them, and which clearly and
decisively prove the anxious wish of my
august master, to preserve peace and his
alliance with the Emperor Napoleon. I
am always ready to arrange with you as to
the most proper form to give them, by a
Convention which I will sign with you,
sub spe rati, although unprovided with
particular and special powers for the pur-
pose; and I can safely answer your Fox-

establishment of which it has been the cellency, in consequence of the perfect: greatest happiness of my life to have par- knowledge I have of the intentions of the ticipated for the last five years, I shall be Emperor, my master, and of the intelliobliged to demand passports from your Ex- gence I have received of his design to cellency, to enable me to quit France; and transmit to me full and special powers, i earnestly request that in such case you that in the event of the basis proposed by will obtain orders from his Imperial and me being agreed to by His Majesty, the Royal Majesty to grant them without delay. Emperor and King, the arrangement which - Receive, my Lord Duke, assurances I shall sign, will be ratified by His Im

of my high consideration.

Copy of a Mote from the Minister for Fo-
reign Relations to Prince Kurakin, the
Russian Ambassador. Paris, 9th
May, 1812.

Sir—I have received the Notes which you did me the honour to address to me on the 10th of April and the 7th of May. Before I can possibly answer them, I must inquire of your Excellency whether you have full powers vested in you to form, conclude, and sign an arrangement of the differences which have arisen between the two Powers; and in case you have received such powers, I must beg, that, in conformity to the Custom of all Cabinets, you will make a preliminary communication to that effect.—I have the honour of offer.

perial Majesty. I must observe to your |Excellency, that even if I were in possession of, at this time, full special i. |for the purpose, according to established. custom, still the ratification of the two Sovereigns would be necessary, before the act could receive full and complete walidity. I have to express my deep regret, that, in the midst of such urgent circumstances, when every instant may produce. the commencement of hostilities, the silence which has been observed by the Minister of His Imperial and Royal Majesty, during. the long period of fifteen days, with respect to the manner in which His Majesty viewed the basis of arrangements which I have been ordered to present to him, should have so considerably retarded the possibility of concluding them. I must express to your Excellency my astonishment at your thinking the explanation into which I have entered, or rather repeated, neces

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Copy of a Letter from Prince Kurakin to

the Minister for Foreign Relations.

Paris, 29 April (11 May/, 1812.

My Lord Duke—I intended going this morning to your Excellency's, for the purpose of reminding you that I had not received an answer to my letter of yesterday, when I received that which you did me the honour to write me last night, some hours previous to my departure, which, from what you had the goodness to state to me, I did not suppose would have taken place for two or three days longer. Although you are so kind as to say I shall have the passports which I required, I have received only that for the Gentleman of the Chamber, Kologrivoff, on which even it is not noted that it is for a courier going to Petersburg. I beg your Excellency to send me the three others which you promised me for the persons attached to my chapel and household, and who are to set off with carriage drivers for Vienna, already engaged for the purpose, and with respect to whom not being able to send them away at the appointed time, I have suffered a loss of the price agreed on with them for the carriage from here to Prody. Your Excellency has not thought proper to answer the three communications, made to you on the 30th of April and the 6th and 7th of May, with respect to the more important objects of our intercourse, notwithstanding the established custom of answering every official communication made by an Ambassador, in a manner so authentic, and under such pressing circumstances. Neither have you written to me, according to promise, to acquaint me with the motives which induce you to consider an arrangement between the two Powers as yet possible, and

which you think should determine me to prolong my stay at Paris, and not to press for my passports. This silence, on your part, places me exactly in the same situation as when I first required them. Not having been able to obtain from you the of. ficial and written explanation which I required, of the reasons which should o: re—an eX #1; ###"Fro.; ". being §: to submit to the notice of my august master, in order the more fully to acquaint him of the hope which you entertained of the still existing possibility of an accommodation —I find myself compelled to renew my: most pressing solicitations for passports, grounded upon the unhappily too great certainty that my presence here can be of no longer use. I beg your Excellency may have the goodness to make his Royal and Imperial Majesty acquainted with this formal requisition, on my part, the first time that you may have any communication with him. I indulge a hope, that his Majesty is too well aware of, and will too readily call to mind, the personal attachment which has caused me so zealously to fulfil my duty, in endeavouring to preserve peace and concord between the two empires, to admit of his supposing, that the requisition I make for permission to quit my post is grounded upon any thing but the complete and painful certainty I feel, that every hope of being able, in the character of a negociator, to bring about a reconciliation is cut off. Although I have to acknowledge many personal obligations to your Excellency, I shall consider it as a greater proof of friendship than you have yet honoured me with, if you will exert yourself to enable me to quit a place which you must be aware it cannot be otherwise than extremely painful to me to continue in, since the departure of his Royal. and Imperial Majesty, and that of your Excellency, deprive me of the satisfaction of thinking that I am capable of effecting any thing useful. I am about to quit Paris, never to return thither. I shall remain at my country-house at Sevres, till your Excellency shall, have sent me my passports. I shall there anxiously expect your Excellency's answer to enable me to set off, having already made every necessary arrangement for the purpose, and sent away such part of my household as I could dispense with, only retaining the few serwants who are to accompany me on my journey. I renew, my Lord Duke, the assurances of my high consideration.

PRINCE Alex. Ku Rakis.

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