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the 12th June the enemy's army passed the Agueda : on the 14th, in the morning, I was informed of it, and the order for assembling was given to the troops. On the 16th the English army arrived before Salamanca.-In the night between the 16th and 17th I evacuated that town, leaving, nevertheless, a garrison in the forts I had constructed, and which, by the extreme activity used in their construction, were in a state of defence. I marched six leagues from Salamanca, and then having collected five divisions, I approached that town; I drove before me the English advanced posts, and obliged the enemy's army to shew what attitude it reckoned upon taking; it appeared determined to fight upon the fine rising ground and strong position of San Christoval. The remainder of the army joined me; I manoeuvred round that position, but I acquired the certainty that it every where presented obstacles difficult to be conquered, and that it was better to
force the enemy to come upon another field.
of battle, than enter into action with them upon ground which gave them too many advantages; besides, different reasons made me desire to prolong the operations—for I had just received a letter from General Caffarelli, which announced to me that he
had collected his troops, and was going to
march to succour me, whilst my presence would have suspended the siege of the fort of Salamanca. Things remained in this state for some days, and the armies in presence of each other, when the siege of the fort of Salamanca vigorously recommenced. On account of the trifling distance which there was between the French army and the place, and by means of the signals agreed upon, I was every day informed of the situation of the place. Those on the 26th and 27th, informed me that the sort could hold out five days; then I decided to execute the passage of the Tormes, and act upon the left bank. The fort of Alba, which I had carefully preserved, gave me a passage over that river, a new line of operations, and an important point of support. I made dispositions for executing this passage on the night between the 28th and 29th. During the night of the 27th, the fire redoubled, and the enemy, fatigued with a resistance which to them appeared exaggerated, fired red-hot balls upon the fort. Unfortunately its magazines contained a large quantity of wood, it took fire, and in an instant the fort was in flames. It was impossible for the brave garrison who defended it to support, at the
same time the enemy's attacks and the fire which destroyed their defences, magazines, and provisions, and placed the soldiers themselves in the most dreadful situation. It was then obliged to surrender at discretion, after having had the honour of repulsing two assaults, and causing the enemy a loss of more 1,300 men, viz. double their own force. This event happened on the 28th at noon. The enemy having no further object by this operation, past the Tormes, and on the contrary, every thing indicating that it would be prudent to await the reinforcements announced in a formal manner by the army of the North, I decided on re-approaching the Douro, and passing that river in case the enemy should march towards us, and there to take up a good line of defence until such time as the moment for acting on the offensive should appear. On the 28th, the army departed and took a position on the Guarena, on the 29th, on the Trabanjos, where it sojourned. The enelny having followed the movement with the whole of his forces, the army took a position on the Zopardiel, and on the 2d it passed the Douro, at Tordesillas, a place which I chose for the pivot of my mutions. The line of the Douro is excellent. I made with detail every disposition which might render sure a good defence of this river, and I had no cause to doubt my being able to defeat every enterprise of the enemy, in case they should attempt the passage. The 3d, being the day after that we had passed the Douro, he made several assemblages of his forces, and some slight attempts to effect this passage to Pollos, a point which, for him, would be very advantageous. The troops which I had disposed, and a few cannon shot, were sufficient to make him immediately give up his enterprise. In continual expectation of receiving succours from the army of the North, which had been promised in so solemn and reiterated a manner, I endeavoured to add, by my own industry, to the means of the army. My cavalry was much inferior to that of the enemy. The English had nearly 5,000 horse, English or German, without counting the Spaniards formed into regular troops. I had no more than 2,000. With this disproportion, in what manner could one manoeuvre his enemy? How avail. one's self of any advantage that might be
I had but one means of augmenting my cavalry, and that was by . ing the useless horses for the service of the
(To be continued./
As illustrated in the Prosecution and Punishment of
In order that my countrymen and that the world may not be deceived, duped, and cheated p". this subject, I, WILLIAM COBBETT, Botley, in Hampshire, put upon record the following facts; to wit: That, on the 24th June, 1809, the following article was published in a London news-paper, called the Counier:—“The Mutiny amongst the LO“CAL MILITIA, which broke out at Ely, was “fortunately suppressed on Wednesday the “arrival of four squadrons of the GERMAN “LEGION CAVALRY from Bury, under the “ command of General Auckland. Five of the “ringleaders were tried by a Court-Martial, and “sentenced to receive 500 lashcs each, part of which “punishment they received on Wednesday, and “a part was remitted. A stoppage for their knup“sacks was the ground of the complaint that ex“cited this mutinous spirit, which occasioned “ the men to surround their officers, and demand “what they deemed their arrears. The first “division of the German Legion halted yesterday “ at Newmarket on their return to Bury.”— That, on the 1st July, 1809, I published, in the Political Register, an article censuring, in the strongest terms, these proceedings; that, for so doing, the Attorney General prosecuted, as seditious libellers, and by Ex-Officio Information, me, and also my printer, my publisher, and one of the principal retailers of the Political Register; that I was ..". to trial on the 15th June, 1810, and was, by a Special Jury, that is to say, by 12 men out of 48 appointed by the Master of the Crown Office, found guilty; that, on the 20th of the same month, I was compelled to give bail for my appearance to receive judgment; and that, as I came up from Botley (to which place I had returned to my family and my farm on the evening of the 15th), a Tipstaff went down from London in order to seize me, personally; that, on the 9th of July, 1810, I, together with *...* publisher, and the news. man, were brought into the Court of King's Bench to receive †." that the three former were sentenced to be imprisoned for some months in the King's Bench prison; that I was sentenced to be imprisoned for two years in Newgate, the great receptacle for malefactors, and the front of which is the scene of numerous hangings in the course of every year; that the part of the prisonin which I was sentenced to be confined is sometimes inhabited by felons, that felons were actually in it at the time I entered it; that one man was taken out of it to be transported in about 48 hours after I was put into the same yard with him; and that it is the place of confinement for men guilty of unnatural crimes, of whom there are four in it at this time; that, besides this imprisonment, I was sentenced to pay a thousand pounds TO THE KING, and to give security for my good behaviour for seven years, myself in the sum of 3,000 pounds, and
two sureties in the sum of 1,000 pounds each; that the whole of this sentence has been executed upon me, that I have been imprisoned the two years, have paid the thousand pounds TO THE kiNG, and have given the bail, Timothy Brown and Peter Walker, Esqrs. being my sureties; that the Attorney General was Sir Vicary Gibbs, the Judge who sat at the trial Lord Ellenborough, the four Judges who satat passing sentence Ellenborough, Grose, Le Blanc, and Bailey; and that the jurors were, Thomas Rhodes of Hampstead Road, John Davis of Southampton Place. James Ellis of Tottenham Court Road, John Richards of Bayswater, Thomas Marsham of Baker Street, Robert Heathcote of High Street Marylebone, John Maud of York Place Marylebone, George Bagster of Church Terrace_Pancras, Thomas Taylor of Red Lion Square, David Deane of St. John Street, William Palmer of Upper Street Islington, Henry Favre of Pall Mall; that the Prime Ministers during the time were Spencer Perceval, until he was shot by John Bellingham, and after that Robert B. Jenkinson, Earl of Liverpool; that the prosecution and sentence took place in the reign of King George the Third, and that, he having become insane during my imprisonment, the 1,000 pounds was paid to his son, the Prince Regent, in his behalf; that, during my imprisonment, I wrote and published 364 Essays and Letters upon political subjects; that, during the same time, I was visited by persons from 197 cities and towns, many of them as a sort of deputies from Societies or Clubs; that, at the expiration of my imprisonment, on the 9th of July, 1812, a great dinner was given in London for the purpose of receiving me, at which dinner upwards of 600 persons were present, and at which Sir Francis Burdett presided; that dinners and other parties were held on the same occasion in many other places in England; that, on my way home, I was received at Alton, the first town in Hampshire, with the ringing of the Church bells; that a respectable company met me and gave me a dinner at Winchester; that I was drawn from more than the distance of a mile into Botley by the people; that, upon my arrival in the village, I found all the people assembled to receive me; that I concluded the day by explaining to them the cause of my imprisonment, and by giving them clear notions respecting the flogging of the Local Militia-men at Ely, and respecting the employment of German Troops; and, finally, which is more than a compensation for my losses and all my sufferings, I am ino: health and strength, and, though I must, for the sake of six children, feel the diminution that has been made in my property (thinking it right in me to decline the . offer of a subscription), I have the consolation to see growing up three sons, upon whose hearts, I trust, all these facts will be engraven:
WM. COBBETT. Botley, July 23, 1812.
Published by R. BAGSHAW, Brydges street, covent Garden. LONDON: Printed by J. M'Creery, Black Horse-Court, Fleet-street.
Vol. XXII. No. 15.1 LONDON, SATURDAY, OCTOBER 10, 1812. [Price is.
My readers, when they have read the ol. Address, will, I am sure, think it natural and right, that I should devote the whole of the time between this and next Tuesday (the day of Nomination) to the important duty which I am about to perform. It has always been my opinion, that the people cannot reasonably be blamed for making a bad choice, if no other is presented to them. It has also always §: my opinion, that every man should labour for the public weal in that way which he thinks most likely to prove efficacious, whether it may comport with his taste, or interest, or not. And, it being my firm conviction, that an earnest endeavour to supplant the late Members for the county in which I live is the way in which I can employ a week or two with the greatest probability of doing service to the public, I have resolved in that way to employ them, and to devote my whole time and attention to that object.
To the Freeholders of the County of - Southampton,
Gentlemen, That House of Commons, who voted that they would not inquire into a direct charge against some of their own Members for trafficking in Seats in their own Assembly; that House of Commons, who voted their approbation of the Walcheren Expedition; that House of Commons, who voted that Bank Notes are still equal in value to Guineas in the estimation of the people; that House of Commons, who have added upwards of Seventy Millions to the National Debt, and who have added nearly onefourth to the amount of our Taxes; that House of Commons being, thank God, now no more, and an opportunity being afforded you of choosing as your Representatives men who have not concurred in such votes, I offer myself to you in that capacity. On the day of Nomination, at Winchester, I propose to do myself the honour of stating to you more fully my opinions and my views; but, I shall not omit even this occa
[450 sion of assuring you, that, I will never, either by myself, or by any dependent on me, receive in any shape, or under any name, a single farthing of the people's money. I am actuated by no motive of vanity or ambition. I think it my duty to endeavour to assist in saving my native country from that total ruin which hangs over it; and, the tender of my services to , you is made in the performance of that sacred duty.
I am, Gentlemen, your faithful friend, . - WILLIAM COBBETT. Botley, October 1, 1812.
A numerous meeting of the Electors of . Westminster, “Friends of Purity of Election,” was on Monday held, pursuant to public advertisement, at the Crown and Anchor Tavern, for the purpose of considering of proper persons to be returned to Parliament as Representatives of the City of Westminster.
Mr. Sturch having been called to the chair, addressed the assembly as follows: —“Gentlemen Electors, the advertisement which I now hold in my hand, and which has been published in several of the newspapers, sufficiently expresses the intention with which this meeting has been called, by a few of those persons who advocated the cause of Parliamentary Reform at the last election.—/Mr. Sturch here read the advertisement).-Gentlemen, it will be seen by the terms of this notice, that this was not intended to be a meeting of the Electors in general, but only of that description of Electors who are friends to the Purity of Election—the friends of corruption and undue influence are not to be understood as having been invited; and if, therefore, there be any person present who is not friendly to reform—if there be any person within hearing who wishes that corruption may be able to keep its ground—who pre- . fers the wide-wasting desolation of war, the government of incapable Ministers, and the
consequent decay of trade and prosperity,
to liberty, security, and peace—it may be
proper to remind such person, that he
comes without being invited.—(Applause.)
—Gentlemen, I persuade myself, that all
those who are now assembled, are of a very different description indeed. I persuade myself, that, while you are all zealously attached to the Constitution, every heart beats high with the love of freedom and in
dependence (applause)—which constitutes the very life and soul of purity of election. I am convinced, that all who are now assembled, are clearly of opinion, that, if this country, in its present deplorable state of distress, is to be saved at all, it must be by the adoption of those principles which were manfully supported by the Electors during the last struggle.—(Applause./— Gentlemen, it is the pleasure of His Majesty's Ministers, at this time, to indulge us with an opportunity of electing our Represcitatives for the ensuing Parliament, which they might, if they pleased, have put off for a year longer, and which they would have put off, if they thought it would have answered certain purposes, which it is not now necessary for me to state. We do not exercise this invaluable right so often as we are entitled to do. By the words of ancient statutes, and from the very reason of the thing, we should exercise the right of election “once in the year, and oftener, if need be.”—(Applause.J–These are the express words of the statute. But by an Act of modern times, which cannot be too much reprobated—which is, in fact, little short of treason against the liberties and constitution of the country, we are restrained in the exercise of that right, which is granted but once in seven years, unless, as in the present instance, we are permitted to make use of it, by the special grace and favour of His Majesty's Ministers.—/Laughter).—This, however, is no reason at all why we should neglect a duty, when it devolves on us. The duty we have to perform on the present occasion, is to select two gentlemen to represent us in Parliament, whom we shall have every reason to believe will be the firm supporters of that portion of liberty which we now enjoy, and the pledged advocates of those rights and privileges of which we have been forcibly and unjustly deprived. It is not for me to dictate what you are to do. I
have only to state what I apprehend to be the general principle on which we are to
proceed. There is one thing to which I
must not omit calling your attention, that
all elections, like other things, are necessarily attended with expense. It is true, that the expense has lately been very much reduced. At the last election, no disbursements were made, except those which were absolutely necessary. By a late Act of Parliament, the expenses to the candidates are clearly defined, and what cannot be demanded is also pointed out. According to that Act it appears, that even when there is no contest whatever, we cannot walk over the course, without incurring an expense of 800l. This we consider as a great hardship and one, small as the sum may seem, that ought to be remedied; and I hope to see the day when this obnoxious act will be repealed. The debt thus incurred must fall, either on the electors or the elected. Now, our principle has been to send our Representatives to Parliament free of expense—which is the true principle of the constitution; because no man should have the pretence to say, that, having purchased his interest in Parliament, he was obliged to reimburse himself by selling his vote to the Minister. And, if we were to abandon that principle for one moment, we should have undone all our work—obliterated, and, he might add, annihilated, the great and glorious example which, five years ago, we set to the electors of Great Britain and Ireland—and which is doing so much good in various parts of the United Kingdom.— I hold it, therefore, necessary, that this principle should be steadily adhered to, and that the sum of 800l. should be subscribed. When I consider the smallness of the sum, contrasted with the great number of electors, I conceive it very easy to defray the expense, by each elector advancing a trifle towards that object; and I hope
that no man, who prides himself on being
an elector, who feels the dignity of his situation, and desires to be fairly represented in Parliament, will refuse to put down his mite towards the creation of a proper fund. As most of you are, like myself, men of business, I will not detain you much longer. I will not relate what you yourselves did five years ago—it is fresh in your recollection. You then demanded and obtained the service of a man, exactly of the description I noticed in the beginning of this address—the firm defender and supporter of those rights and liberties which we still possess, and the strenuous advocate for a restoration of those which we have lost. Perhaps it may be said, that being placed by you in the situation of chairman, I ought to speak impartially; but I should be unworthy of the honour you have done me, if I affected to conceal the first wish of my heart. I sincerely hope, that of all the Electors, who, five years ago, gave their vote in favour of the Honourable Baronet, there is not one now living who will not be ready, if it should be again necessary, to come forward on this occasion, and do the same. ...And to them, I trust, I may be able to add thousands of others, who, since that time, have had an opportunity of examining and scrutinizing the parliamentary conduct of Sir Francis Burdett—/applause)— and must have seen in it all that could render a Representative respectable, or endear him to the hearts of his Constituents. He has displayed extraordinary talents, incorruptible integrity, undaunted courage, and she most sound constitutional principles— so. understand, that, with regard to your last Representative, Sir Francis Burdett, he does not come forward, soliciting your votes, as a candidate. I am told, for I have had no communication with Sir Francis, that he considers it the duty of the Electors to look out for, and support, such persons as they think best calculated to represent them, and not the business of Candidates to push themselves personally forward. I will not take upon me to say whether this is or is not a correct principle; but, if Sir Francis Burdett conceives it to be right, he, as an honest man, must act upon it. The same feeling does not appear to sway the Noble Lord (Cochrane), who, for the purpose of proving his political principles, has written two letters, which have come into the hands of Mr. Brooks, the gentleman so well known as the treasurer of the former election. Those letters were addressed “To the Gentlemen composing the Committee for promoting the Purity of Election,” and contained an explanation of his Lordship's political opinions and sentiments, which, I suppose, the meeting would wish to have read. Having stated the object in view, if any gentleman has a proposition to make, I shall be very happy to hear him.” Mr. HARRIs then rose and said, having undertaken to submit certain Resolutions to the Meeting, he was under the necessity of throwing himself on their indulgence, and trusted that they would not impute to presumption, his thus coming forward on so important an occasion. He felt himself placed in a most awkward situation, in addressing them, when there were so many older, wiser, and better men in the room. He would, however, endeavour to acquit
himself to the satisfaction of the assembly, whom he could assure, that he had undertaken the task for the benefit of his country, and not from any private aim or gratification of his own. They would, in a very few days, be called on to elect two persons to represent them in the ensuing Parliament, which was at all times a very important duty, but particularly so at the so period, when we were threatened y an overwhelming taxation at home, and by an implacable enemy abroad. At such a time they were imperatively called on to examine scrupulously those persons whom they sent to Parliament—for there, and there only, the evil can be cured. It was stated by their worthy Chairman, with great force and propriety, that the persons elected ought not to be loaded with expense. This position was perfectly correct; for if Members of Parliament impaired their fortunes in expensive contests, what could their Constituents expect, but that they would endeavour to pay themselves out of the pockets of the people, by selling themselves to Ministers? They should not, therefore, send their representatives in on such conditions, but persectly free, to prevent the smallest excuse for a dereliction of their duty. They certainly possessed the ability, and they had exercised it, of sending their Representatives into Parliament without putting them to any expense. He doubted not that the Electors of Westminster would, on this occasion, set a good example to the country in general.-Books were then open in the room, and some money had already been subscribed; and he trusted every man,
according to his means, would endeavour
to further the great object they had in view. Mr. Harris then proceeded to read the Resolutions.
1st, That the Election of Members of Parliament ought to be conducted according to the principles of old English Freedom, which declare that Elections should be free and without corruption.
2d, That the City of Wesminster will not disappoint the expectation of the Country, but, following up the great example it has set, return its Represent...ives to Parliament free of expense. -
3d, That Subscriptions be entered into to defray the expense of the ensuing Election, and that Samuel Brooks, Esq. be Treasurer of the Fund; to the support of which it is the bounden duty of every Elector and friend to purity of Election to contribute. f