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tlereagh! I wish the parliament may [ other branch of the government. Judges never do any thing more degrading than and Juries are men and no more than men; this! The time will come when this ex- and they are liable to mistake and passion pression will admit of a more extended as well as other men. It is pretty talk, commentary. At present, I shall leave it indeed, that we sometimes hear, from the for the reader to make himself such ob-hired writers and from crawling barristers, servations as it so loudly calls for.--The other point alluded to above was stated by the SOLICITOR GENERAL, who is reported to have strongly protested against the censure which Sir Samuel Romilly had passed upon the magistrates.--I will take the very words as reported: "The Solicitor "General strongly deprecated the censure "which the Honourable and Learned Gen"tleman had cast upon the Magistrates; a "proceeding which he thought peculiarly "calculated to excite suspicion and distrust | "in the minds of those who were to be "judged by them. The opinion of the "Honourable and Learned Gentleman was "of great weight in the country, and there"fore it was the more incumbent upon "him to be guarded in his expressions. "The tribunals of the country he thought "ought to be upheld. He should not op"pose the Committee being appointed, at the same time he thought it would have been a more advisable course, to have had any necessary examinations and in"quiries made upon the spot."--Sir Samuel Romilly denied having cast a censure upon the magistrates in general, and insisted, with perfect correctness, that his words would bear no such construction.

Now, as to what the Solicitor General said, about exciting suspicion and distrust in the minds of the people against the Justices, if that were allowed to be a good objection to the speaking freely of their conduct, and even to the passing of censure on them, there must, at once, be an end of all censure and of all complaint, and of all detection of abuses; for, it is in the very nature of these, and, indeed, it is their end and use, to excite public suspicion and distrust of the parties censured. It is true, as he says, that "the tribunals of the country ought to be upheld;" but, to be "upheld in righteousness," I sup pose he means? He hardly means, that they ought to be upheld in such things as Sir Samuel Romilly complained of? To uphold them in wrong, or to talk of the necessity of upholding them, without reference to right or wrong, is not, I am certain, the way to ensure them respect and confidence. The conduct of tribunals has in it nothing to exempt it from investigation, any more than has the conduct of any

about the sacredness of courts of Justice! There have sitten in the tribunals in England some of the most corrupt, most base, and most bloody villains that ever disgraced the shape of man. Their deeds and their names have been handed down to the execration of posterity. Their judgments have been reversed; and, in some cases, they themselves have been punished as malefactors. I am sure that the Solicitor General will not say that the acts of such men ought to have been upheld. I am sure that he will not say, that the Judge who presided and the Jury who were empannelled at the trial of Sydney ought to be upheld. I am sure he will not say, that that corrupt and cruel ruffian and his twelve packed scoundrels of coadjutors ought to have been upheld.--No; the truth is, that, in all branches of authority, bad conduct ought to be exposed and censured. Courts of Law and Justice and Justices of the Peace have quite power enough to protect themselves against unlawful attacks. Their powers are, if looked into, fearfully great; and, though, perhaps, not too great, there is certainly a necessity of yielding protection to those who may have just cause to complain of the abuse of those powers. Who, then, but the parliament, is to yield that protection? It was by virtue of a resolution of a House of Commons, that Prynn, and Bastwick, and Burton, who, for what was called libelling, had been first pilloried and then sent to distant jails and solitary rooms, where they were denied the comfort of their friends and the use of pen, ink, and paper; it was by virtue of a resolution of an honest House of Commons, that these martyrs in the cause of liberty were released, and that their judges were called to account and punished. And, indeed, if the oppressed man is not to look to the House of Commons, to whom is he to look for redress?

Here I should dismiss this article, but I find, in the Courier of the 26th of June, a remark upon this subject, which must not be permitted to pass unnoticed. The writer, after pointing out the extreme danger of Sir Samuel Romilly's speech, talks of the respect and gratitude which are due to the Justices of the Peace on account of their taking upon themselves the labour of

Justices GRATUITOUSLY; and says,
that this circumstance ought to excite to-
wards them esteem and affection. Upon
this I shall observe, first, that the same is
said of the commissioners of property tax;
and, second, that the same may be said of
the members of parliament; yea, even of
the representatives of the people of Old
Sarum, St. Maws, Appleby, Queenbo-
rough, St. Germains, and other the like
places. These worthy gentlemen, it is
very well known, take upon themselves the
labour of legislators GRATUITOUSLY;|
nay, it is said, that, in some cases, so
eager are they to serve the public, that
they even give money out of their pockets
rather than be deprived of the occasion of
so doing. Yet, I have never heard, and I
do not believe, that they have, on this par-
ticular account, been looked upon as en-
titled to a greater portion of public respect
and affection than other men. This being
notoriously the case, I cannot, for my part,
see why the conduct of Justices of the
peace is to be a forbidden subject merely
because they do not openly receive pay for
what they do in that capacity; which, if
admitted, would, besides, convey an ugly
distinction between them and the Judges,
who, it is well known, do receive pay;
unless, indeed, the Courier is prepared to
show, that the receiving of pay in the latter
case ought to have the same claim on our
respect and affection as the not receiving of
pay in the former case.- -I shall now
quit this subject for the present, begging
my readers to watch the progress of the
inquiry; and, I promise them, that no-
thing shall be wanting on my part to do
justice to all the parties concerned. We
have seen the two Members for the county
of Lincoln, Messrs. Chaplin and Ellison,
stand forward in defence of Merryweather
the Jailer and the Rev. Doctor Caley Il-diers, regular soldiers, were stationed on
lingworth the Justice. We have seen these
two persons attacked by Sir Samuel Romilly
and Mr. Brougham. The result of the in-
quiry will prove to us who is right and
who wrong.

prise us so very much, after what we have.
seen within the last three months. It has
been stated in all the news-papers, and
stated in the way of bravado, too, that there
is an army of upwards of 20,000 regulars
sent against the people who have shewn
discontent in the northern counties; that
there are soldiers to guard mills, and facto-
ries, and country-houses; that soldiers per-
form the police of the towns, day and night;
that, upon any little assemblage of the peo-
ple, be the occasion what it may, soldiers
are called out and marched against them;
that, even when the people of Nottingham
met to express their joy at the death of Per-
ceval, soldiers were marched against them
to compel them to disperse; that soldiers
are employed in scouring the country, in
questioning travellers, and in taking people's
arms out of their houses; that guards and
picquets are regularly mounted; and, that,
in the towns, the military officers question
people as to who and what they are, and
what is their business.- -All this, and a
great deal more, has been stated in the
news-papers, and that, too, as I observed
before, in the way of bravado, as matter to
boast of; it has been put forth in the way
of shewing what a strong and vigorous sys-
tem of government we have got in Eng-
land.But, besides these occasions of
employing the soldiers, it has been stated
in the news-papers, and is, I believe, per-
fectly true, that soldiers were marched, in
order to convey Mr. Bellingham from the
House of Commons to Newgate; that sol-
diers were called out, and remained ready to
act, at a moment's warning, while his trial
was going on; that large bodies of soldiers
were marched to the metropolis, and some
of them brought very near the spot, at the
time of his execution; that, at Chester,
improving upon the London measures, sol-

the outside of the Court House while the trials of the rioters were going on; and. that the soldiers were actually marched to the place of execution; so that here, the whole affair, from beginning to end, was, as the news-papers tell us, done under the BRISTOL ELECTION.--What was stated protection of a military, a regular military in my last, respecting the proceedings in force.After all this, after having seen this election, incredible as it seemed, was this in England, the people of Bristol ought literally true. Soldiers, horse as well as not to have been very much surprised at foot, have been marched into the city of seeing the soldiers marched into their city, Bristol, and have remained there; the vo- and even into their Guildhall, to superinlunteers have been called out, and kept un- tend an election; after having seen the solder arms; and, in short, the election has diers do all that we have recapitulated been carried on under the awe of the bay- above, the people of Bristol ought, perhaps, onet.—This, however, ought not to sur-to be surprised that they have merely made.

their appearance in Bristol in their military capacity.- -It is right, however, that the people of all England, and that those of other countries too (especially those of America) should know what is going on at Bristol, which City is now witnessing the reality of what men were, only about 17 years ago, punished for foretelling; they were punished for saying, that, if the people did not resist in time, this very thing would take place! Well, it is come, and let those who inflicted that punishment enjoy the thing!Let us stop here, and before we say any more about Bristol, take a look back over the last twenty years. It is now just twenty since the first Proclamation was issued in England against the principles of the French revolutionists; soon after began the prosecutions of Mr. Paine and those who sold his writings, the burning of him in effigy, and, by Church and King mobs, the attacking and destroying of the property of those who were opposed to entering into a war against the French.- -Well, there is, now before you, the effect of that war thus far. What may be the final effect I shall not even guess at. I dare not say what I think will happen. But, I may think, as yet. That is a sort of liberty which we Englishmen may boast of at any rate. Nor is it, I believe, forbidden for us to feel satisfaction in our thoughts and expectations.In the mean while Corruption is uneasy; she is beset on every side; her lies, her calumnies, her shams, her tricks of all sorts now begin to fail her. She may cry out as long as she pleases; her crocodile voice will alarm no one; she has no longer the means of inveigling victims into her murderous jaws. Whatever she does now she must do openly and barefacedly, and the effect will be just what it ought; that is to say, a daily increasing disposition in the people to do all that in them lies to secure the independence of their country and their own liberties.When, in the year 1792, CITIZEN CHAUVELIN warned Pitt, and Jenkinson, and their colleagues, against the consequences of the war; when they were more solemnly warned of those consequences by LE BRUN, then minister for foreign affairs; when thus warned, they laughed at the contemptible republicans; and, as they drew nearer to the moment for beginning the war, they were more and more contemptuous in their language. They used, indeed, to speak of the assemblies and generals of France as of a set of scavengers. Alas! how dearly has this

nation paid for their conduct! And, who will venture to say, what it has yet to suffer from that all fruitful source of evil? And what a figure do the borough-monger crew now make, compared with those whom they formerly treated with contempt?

-The war, the twenty years war that we have carried on, and that we are yet engaged in, was begun for the avowed purpose of preserving England from the contagion of French principles. But, the principles of France have changed, and yet we continue the war! What is it, however, that agitates the nation now? It cannot be the principles or the example of the French. Nay, we have heard great boasting, incessant boasting, that Napoleon had put an end to all the wild notions about liberty, by shewing to the world what they all tend to. We have heard him thanked for this by those wretches who felt a fiend-like joy at the destruction of a free form of government in France. Well, then, if all has ended so much to their satisfaction in France, what makes them now uneasy? What can the people of England be hankering after? Here we are, at the end of twenty years' war, with a mass of papers, seized upon persons said to be disaffected, and laid before the House of Commons IN A SEALED BAG! In a sealed bag! In a sealed bag! How Citizen Chauvelin must laugh when he reads of this. And how Le Brun must laugh. I dare say they will recollect the warning which they gave to Pitt and his colleagues. How Paine would laugh if he were alive, and how Barlow and the American Democrats, not forgetting the exiles from Ireland and England, must laugh, at hearing of the SEALED BAG! The sealed bag at the end of twenty years of a war which was begun to preserve England from the effects of "wild

notions" of the "rights of man!" What a thing for Napoleon and the world to know!- -A sealed bag! But, let us return to the Bristol Election, where we find the soldiers employed, though there is a special act of parliament forbidding it, and though that act only declares the ancient common-law. The soldiers have been employed, notwithstanding there were hundreds of men, armed with bludgeons, painted blue, that is to say, the colours of Davis, and though these men were, it seems, sworn in as special Constables.This brings the matter to a point. Troops have been marched into a city while an election was going on. This the usage immemorial, and also the positive law, says

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exertions in the cause of humanity; but, let him not be praised and elected as a parliamentary reformer, when he does not even profess that he is one. Those, indeed, who are not for a real reform of the parliament; and, by the word reform, only mean to express such a change as would afford them a chance of getting at a share of the public money; those persons act very consistently in preferring a member who is not for parliamentary reform; but, they will have a great deal more cunning than they have (and that is not a little), before they will persuade me, that they are reformers.- -The main thing, however, for the people to keep in view, as to the Bristol Election, is, that the two factions have clearly agreed not to cross one another. The White Lion Club's member is not to be opposed by either Mr. Prothero or by Sir Samuel Romilly. So, here is the compromise clearly settled!- I shall resume the subject in my next.

shall not be. Now, then, we shall see, whether these are to be openly violated with impunity; we shall now see, whether soldiers are, at last, to be marched into a place where an election is actually going on, without rendering that election void. All the excuses about rioting and about danger to property I shall hereafter shew not to be worth a straw. The troops were marched in, and marched in, too, after the people had beaten the bludgeon-men of the man who professed himself to be in favour of the government.There is no such thing as doing away these facts; and the question must now be settled.-For having brought this important matter to issue we have to thank Mr. Hunt. If he had not appeared in Bristol, there would have been NO ELECTION at all upon this occasion. The people would not have known, that Bragge Bathurst had vacated. The affair would have been as snug as an election at Old Sarum. Mr. PROTHERO has published a declaration, in which he states, that it was not his intention to oppose the Candidate of the White Lion Club; and, we know, that Sir Samuel Romilly's friends do nol oppose him; but, I see, that those Editors of news-papers at Bristol, who are for Sir Samuel Romilly, do publish most abusive, most outrageously abusive, things against Mr. Hunt. Amongst other things that they charge him with, is, "his fa"ther's having sold wheat in Marlborough "market at a guinea a bushel.”—Mr. Hunt is no Lambkin, to be sure, but this is very much like the reasoning of the wolf; and, really, his opponents appear to be very much of the wolf cast.- This charge I give as a specimen; the others will have no more weight with any man of sense and candour than this will have; and, whatever the friends of Sir Samuel Romilly may hope; whatever reliance they may place upon the power of the cant which they are making use of, they will not succeed in their views.The Morning Chronicle," consequences DREADFUL in the EXunder the form of a letter from Bristol, has this day opened a direct battery upon Mr. Hunt. Will not this open the eyes of all those who are deceived by the friends of Sir Samuel Romilly? I again state, that Mr. Hunt has offered to withdraw his pretensions, if Sir Samuel Romilly will distinctly pledge himself to support Parliamentary Reform: and, if the latter will not do this, upon what ground is it that any reformer can' support him: Let Sir Samuel Romilly have all the praise that is due to him; and that is a great deal, for his

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MR. EATON.-Paine's Age of Reason.— I perfectly agree with L. L. respecting the use of the Pillory, and especially in the case of MR. EATON for publishing arguments and opinions, relative to matters of general public concern; but his Letter it is not necessary to insert, seeing that the public have pretty clearly expressed that their view of the matter accords with that of L. L.-I have received nothing from the Rector of Botley, in answer to my last notification. I hope he does not mean to back out in the way there mentioned. I beg leave to remind him, that MR. EATON has been sentenced to 22 months imprisonment and to stand once in the pillory for publishing the book in question; that the Attorney General (Gibbs), in calling for punishment upon the head of this old man, asserted, that the principles contained in the book, if suffered to take root in the minds of those who read it, must produce

TREME." That many hundreds of the book have been published is certain; that these copies of the book have been read is also certain; how, then, are these extremely dreadful consequences to be prevented, except by an answer to the book? And, have we twenty thousand Clergymen, and will no one of them attempt to give us this answer? Do they not think it worth while to answer a work, the consequences of which, if suffered to go unanswered, must be dreadful in the extreme? Many of them are pretty constantly engaged in writing re

but, he does not now say, that he will, or that he will not, accept of my last offer, to publish from any shop that he may choose, and to apply the gain, if any, to the purpose of making a poor family happy.

-What I have further to say upon this subject will astonish the reader.- -The truth is, that the Rector of Botley, whom, one would have thought, would have received with eagerness and delight an invitation to shew his zeal in defence of that religion, to be a supporter of which he had, at his ordination, declared that he felt himself called by the Holy Ghost; one would have thought, that he would have hastened to express his gra

views and political pamphlets. This may be very proper. It may also be proper for them to be the foremost in all court-addresses; but, surely, they ought, then, to look to this "dreadful" work of Paine. -They have been loud enough in their -To be sure I have no right to call alarms about "popery." They have cried upon him to put his work into my hands, out that the "Church is in danger" from or to apply the profits of it in any particuthat. But, what do they mean by the lar way; but, he accepted of my offer, and Church? Do they mean the tithes, the authorized me to promise, in his name, an corn-rents, the life-holds, the glebes, the answer to Paine's work. However, a mansions, the woods, the manors, the clois- little matter shall not turn me from my ters, and the palaces? Do they call these point. He resolved, it seems, to publish "the Church" If they mean the congrean answer in some way or other. Very gations; if they mean their morals and well, then, here we have his resolution, souls, we have the assertion of the Attor- when or how he means to act upon it he ney General, the charge of the Judge, the does not say; but, that he shall not want verdict of the Special Jury, and the punish-reminding of this resolution the public may ment of Mr. Eaton, to produce in proof of rest assured. the Church being in real danger from the suffering of Mr. Paine's book to go unanswered. Is it, therefore, to be believed, that twenty thousand Clergymen will leave it unanswered?--Since writing the above, I have received a letter from the Rector of Botley, in which he tells me that I gave, last week, wrong information to my readers, respecting his intention. I there said, that he had informed me, that he would not "write an answer, lest, by its being pub-titude to me for having given him such an "lished at Mr. Eaton's shop (as I had pro- occasion to prove himself worthy of his "posed), he, the Rector, should contribute calling, to show that he was sincere in his "to the MERCENARY views of the solemn declaration, and to prevent those "CONVICTED vender thereof." "extremely dreadful consequences" for Whereupon, as the reader will recollect, I having attempted to produce which, Mr. offered to have the answer published at my Eaton was sentenced to a long imprisonment own expense, at any shop that the Rector and to standing in the pillory; but, inmight choose; to sustain the loss, if any, stead of expressions of kindness and of graand, if any gain, to let the Rector himself titude, I did, in fact, receive from my choose a man amongst his poor parishioners pastor expressions of and resentment. anger on whom to bestow it. Even this, how- He has written me two letters since, still ever, does not, it seems, meet the approba- rising, I think, in acrimoniousness of tion of the Rector; who now tells me, that style. In every letter, he calls upon me, he, in his former note, did not sáy, that he in a most menacing tone, to publish, not would write no answer, but that, for the rea- only these letters, but others, which have son stated, "he refused accepting such a me- passed between us a long while before a dium, and resolved to adopt that sort of word was said about Mr. EATON or publication, which he might deem most Paine's Age of Reason. I hereby in"likely to answer his views: viz. the ex-form him, that, at present, I do not see posure of falsehood and refutation of 66 blasphemy.""It is very true, that, at the time of writing his former note, the Rector might have formed this resolution; but, it is equally true, that he did not let drop a word to me about it. He merely told me, that he would not publish through the medium that I had mentioned. Let us, however, understand one another now, if we can. He says, he resolved to publish, though not from Mr. Eaton's shop;

sufficient cause for my doing this; but, that, if he does see sufficient cause for his doing it, he has my full liberty to make the publication in any manner that he may think proper, provided he publish my letter as well as his own letters, and also the parts of the Register, to which the correspondence refers.If he does this, I will never even publish a single word in the way of answer to his publication, but will leave the world to form its judgment

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