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MINISTERIAL NEcoCIATIONS.

Docu MENTS PUBLISHED, RELATING To The LATE NEGoci ATIONS For MAKING A New MINISTRY.

(Continued from page 64.)

Moira acts. Personal communication with him will always be acceptable and honourable to us. But we hope he will be sensible, that no advantage is likely to result from pursuing this subject by unauthorized discussions, and in a course different from the usual practice.—Motives of obvious delicacy must prevent our taking any step towards determining the Prince Regent to authorize Lord Moira to address us personally. We shall always receive with dutiful submission his Royal Highness's commands, in whatever manner, and through whatever channel, he may be pleased to signify them, and we trust we shall never be found wanting in zeal for his Royal Highness's service, and for the public interest. But we cannot venture to suggest to his Royal Highness, through any other person, our opinions, on points in which his Royal Highness is not pleased to require our advice. GREY. GRENV ille.

No. 28.—Lord Moira to Lords Grey and Grenville, informing them, that he has the Prince Regent's authority to address them, and requesting to know, when and where he can see them.

Lord Moira presents his best compliments to Lord Grey and Lord Grenville. —Discouraged, as he unavoidably must be, he yet cannot reconcile it to himself to leave any effort untried: and he adopts their principle for an interview, though he doubts if the desired conclusion is likely to be so well advanced by it, as would have been the case in the mode suggested by him. —He has now the Prince Regent's instructions to take steps towards the formation of a ministry; and is authorized specially to address himself to Lords Grey and Grenville. It is, therefore, his request to know, when and where he can wait upon them. He would wish to bring Lord Erskine with him. June 6, 1812. 11 sorenoon.

No. 29.-Minute of a Conversation between Lord Moira and Lords Grey and Grenville, at which Lord Erskine was present. —St. James's Place, June 6th, 1812.

Lord Moira stated to Lord Grey and Lord Grenville, that he was authorized by the Prince Regent to consult with them on the formation of a new government. And satisfactory explanations having taken place between them, respecting such measures as appeared to be of the greatest urgency at the present moment, more especially with reference to the situation of H.M.'s Roman Catholic subjects, and the differences now unhappily subsisting with America; and that Lord Moira had received this commission without any restriction or limitation whatever being laid by the Prince, on their considering any points which they judged useful for his service; they expressed their satisfaction with the fairness of this proposal, and their readiness to enter into such discussions as must precede the details of any new arrangement. As a preliminary question, which appeared to them of great importance, they thought it necessary immediately to bring forward, to prevent the inconvenience and embarrassment of the further delay which might be produced, if this negociation should break off in a more advanced state, they asked, whether this full liberty extended to the consideration of new appointments to those great offices of the household, which have been usually included in the political arrangements made on a change of administration; intimating their opinion, that it Twould be necessary to act on the same principle on the present occasion.—Lord Moira answered, that the Prince had laid no restriction upon him in that respect, and had never pointed in the most distant manner at the protection of those officers from removal; that it would be impossible for him (Lord Moira/, however, to concur in making the exercise of this power positive and indispensable, in the formation of the administration, because he should deem it on public grounds peculiarly objectionable. —To this Lord Grey and Lord Grenville replied, they also acted on public grounds alone, and with no other feeling whatever

(To be continued.)

Published by R. BAGSHAW, Brydges-Street, Covent-Garden.
LONDON: Printed by J. M'Creery, Black Horse-Court, Fleet-street.

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“That the subjects which are Protestants, may have arms for their defence, suitable to their

“conditions, and as allowed by law.”—Declaration of Rights.

97] THE LUDDITES, or HISTORY OF THE SEALED BAG. No. III.

In the former Numbers I brought down this curious history to the appointment of the Committee of the House of Commons, to examine and report upon the contents of the SEALED BAG. I am now about to put upon record what has been the result of that examination; and, when I have so done, I shall offer such remarks upon the subject as appear to me likely to assist in causing the thing to be seen in its true light, and also to be remembered for what it has been. The people of this country have been led on by degrees to their present state. No people were ever so much changed all at once. If, twenty years ago, the people of Eugland, who were then shouting for war, had been told what their state would be in twenty years from that time, they would have been ready, like Richard, to stab the prophet in the midst of his prophecy. If they had been told, that, before that war should end, they would be compelled to pay an income tax of ten per centum; that they would be subjected to laws of taxation such as those now in existence; that they would see German Troops brought into the heart of the country; that they would see the arms of a Local Militia put under the guard of regular soldiers; that they would see barracks erected in, or on the side of every considerable town; that they would see districts of England put under the command of German Officers; that they would see the Judges sitting at the assizes under the protection of regular soldiers; that they would see soldiers attending to protect the Sheriff and his officers at the execution of criminals; that they would see soldiers called in at an election for members to serve in parliament; and, finally, that they would see a law passed for DISARMING THE PEOPLE, or any considerable part of the people: if they had been told this, what would they

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have said? Would they not have regarded the man, telling them so, as either a madman or one disposed to excite hatred against the government? Would not such a man have been prosecuted as a seditious libeller? Nay; how many Gentlemen, how many real friends of England and of English liberty, were prosecuted, and some of them utterly destroyed, sor endeavouring to prevent the war, and to produce that resorin, without which, as they then stated, it was impossible for England to avoid ruin 7 But, even their forebodings; even their notions of ruin fell far short of what we now have in the reality before our eyes. Let the reader, therefore, prepare his mind for much more than he has yet seen. What is to be the end of the progress, in which we now are, no man can say, and I shall not pretend to conjecture; but, I beseech the reader to be prepared; and with this caution to him, I enter upon the continuation of the history of the sealed bag. We before saw how the Secret Committee was appointed; and we have now to see its report. This report was laid before the House of Commons on the 8th instant, and, in substance, it is given as stating, “that alarm“ing disturbances, destructive to property, “prevailed in the counties of Lancaster, “York, &c. and had continued from the “ month of March down to the latest ac-. “counts on the 23d of June. That the “ rioters assembled in the night-time, with “their faces blackened, armed with the “implements of their trades, and other “offensive instruments, with which they “destroyed the property of those who “were obnoxious to them. That they had “in many instances, written threatening “letters, had proceeded the length of set“ting fire to the houses of individuals, and “even that an atrocious murder had been “committed on a person of the name of “Horsefall, by four persons, who there “ was every reason to believe were accom“plices in these disturbances. That great “dread and alarm was occasioned in con“sequence of these proceedings; and that,

“ in some instances, sums of money were “ demanded and extorted. The Commit“tee, without entering into details, thought “it necessary to state, that the first object “ of these rioters seemed to be the breaking “ of machinery; but they had in many in“stances resorted to measures infinitely “ more alarming, namely, the demanding “of arms; and had even carried them off, “in many instances where they allowed “every other species of property to remain “untouched. These seemed not to be the “effect of any sudden impulse, but of an “organized system of lawless violence. “Sometimes the rioters were under the “ control of leaders; and were distin“guished not by names but by numbers; “were known to each other by signs and “countersigns; and carried on all with the “utmost caution. They also took an oath, “ that while they existed under the canopy “ of Heaven they would not reveal anything “connected with the present disturbances, “under the penalty of being put out of ex“istence by the first brother whom they “should meet, &c. It did not appear to “the Committee that any sums of money “were distributed among the rioters. It “ was extremely difficult to discover them. “It was held out to them that they might “expect to be joined by other discontented “ persons from London, and that there “were persons in the higher ranks who “would also lend them support; but of “ these insinuations the Committee were “ able to find no evidence. Whatever was “ their object, however, and whoever were “ the secret movers of these disturbances, “yet the secrecy with which they were “carried on, the attempts at assassination “ that had been made, the oaths that had “ been administered, and the system of ter“ror that prevailed, had not failed to im“ press the Committee deeply.” Deeply enough, no doubt; but there was, it seems, no evidence to prove a selling on ; no evidence to prove a plot. And, this is the circumstance that will most puzzle the ministry. They can find no agilators. it is a movement of the people's own, as far as it goes; and, if the ministry say, that it does not arise srom the dearness of provi

sions and srom other causes of distress; if

it does not arise from that source, it follows, that it must arise from some dislike of what the government itself is doing or has done; it follows, that the people are displeased l ing in their rulers; and this is dodisaffection. There is a ofor the eulogists of the

irrefutable argument.

system. For, either it is a good system, or it is not: either it is calculated to make the people happy, or it is not: if the latter, the system ought to be changed; if the former, the people are hostile to the government for hostility's sake; they, in this case, must hate the system under which they live. I shall not undertake to say which is the case. It is not necessary. But, one or the other is the case; that I will say, and, in the assertion, I am warranted by The conclusion, either way, is mortifying enough to the pride of those, who began the war for the purpose of keeping democratical principles out of England, and who, at a later period, exulted, with Arthur Young, that nothing short of an iron despotism would be suffi. cient to keep order in France; and that, thus, the people of England would be terrified from all thoughts of reform. This malignant, this j idea is clearly and unreservedly expressed by Arthur Young, in his “Warning.” Yes; after having seen all France; after having witnessed, described, and inveighed against the oppressions and miseries under the old government of France, he exults at the prospect of seeing the people of France punished with an iron and everlasting despotism; and why? Because they had put down for ever that old government, under which he had before said they were so grievously oppressed. But, what have these sentiments of the Secretary of the Board of Agriculture to do with the subject before us? A great deal to do with it. For, we now see, that though the people of France were so far foiled by the English government and its allies as not to be able to establish freedom in France; though they have been, after all, compelled, for the sake of tranquillity and safety, to submit to what they call monarchy, and what our hired writers call a military despotism; though the wish, the abominable, the fiendlike wish of Arthur Young and the AntiJacobins has been thus far, according to their own account, accomplished; though they assert that France labours under the most terrible of despotisms; still are they now compelled to confess, that there are a part, at least, of the people of England who have not taken the “Warning.” These people have seen all that has passed in France. They have seen it all, and yet they are, it seems, not afraid of change : Mr. Young must be greatly surprised at this. He must be greatly mortified to see his most charitable wish disappointed:

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Returning now more immediately to the subject; upon the above-mentioned report has been grounded a Bill, which is now before parliament. Of this Bill, which is intended as a remedy for the evils stated in the report, the chief feature is a power given to the Justices (who are all appointed by the Crown) to DISARM THE PEOPLE at their discretion, or, at least, so nearly at discretion, as to leave no room for a clearly defined exception. There are other provisions in the Bill, which would be calculated to attract attention, if unaccompanied with that which I have just stated; but this is such a thumper, that it leaves no room for surprise or any other feeling at the rest. DISARM THE PEOPLE: Disarm the people of England . And FOR WHAT2 No matter what. The fact is quite enough. The simple sentence stating this one fact will save foreign statesmen the trouble of making any inquiries relative to the internal state of England. It speaks whole volunes. A law is passing for taking the arms away from a part of the people of England: What can be added to this, in order to give Napoleon an adequate idea of our situation? Why, this: that LORD CASTLEREAGH is the man to propose the measure : The whole of the act will be inserted by me hereafter, in order that it may be read in every country in the world; and, in the meanwhile, I shall content myself with a few remarks upon the debates, which took place, in the House of Commons, during the progress of the Bill; but, these I must postpone to my next, for subjects now present themselves, which, in point of time, demand a preference. None can equal it in point of intrinsic importance; because the disarming of the people is decisive of the character, not only of our present, but of our future situation; but, in point of time, there are subjects which are still more pressing.

SUMMARY OF POLITICS.

American States. A second Amirican War seemed to be all that was wanted to complete the round of adventures in this jubilee reign; and this, it seems, we have now got. It was very hard to persuade people, that America would declare war. I begged of the Regent not to listen to those who affected to laugh at American hostility. I told him, in so many words, that we should have war, unless we redressed the grievances that America complained of. Scarcely any body could be

prevailed upon to believe this; but it is come true, it seems, after all. The AntiJacobins will not believe me; they despise my warnings; and they pay for it in the end. Not only the public, but the government, in England, wholly, disbelieved that the Americans would go to war. The truth is, that there are so many newspapers in England, whose sole purpose is to deceive the public, that the wonder is, that any truth at all ever gains general belief. There has, however, been an extraordinary degree of obstinacy as to the real intention of America with regard to War. Nothing could induce people to believe that she would go to war. I asserted and proved, as I thought, that it was naturally to be expected that she would go to war, unless we did away the Orders in Council and also the Impressment of American Seamen; but, scarcely a soul would believe. Perhaps, it may be good for the cause of freedom that I was not believed: But, let us now quit the past, and look a little to the future. What will take place now? The letter, or pretended letter, from Liverpool, under the date of the 18th instant, would make this cheated nation believe, that, the moment the news arrives of the repeal of the Orders in Council, the quarrel with America will be at an end. — It will be best, however, to let the letter speak for itself. “I have to ad“vise you, that a pilot-boat is arrived here “to-day from New York, which she left on “the 23dult., bringing an account that the “Senate, after deliberating seven days, had “come to the resolution of declaring war “against Great Britain, 19 to 13. An “express had arrived at New York to Ma“jor Bloomfield, which he read at the head “of his army, formally announcing that “ the United States had declared war “ against Great Britain.-I think it proper “to add, however, that the houses in New “York which dispatched the pilot with “this information, for the purpose of mak“ing speculations in produce, expressly “ordered that, should the Orders in Coun“cil be revoked, their friends here were “on no account to make any purchases for “ them.—This is a convincing proof that “ this Declaration of War will be short “lived, and on the arrival of the Gazette, “containing the revocation of the Orders “ in Council, all matters in dispute be“tween the two countries will be amicably “settled. The Mackarel schooner had been “ dispatched from New York by Mr. Fos“ter, direct to Falmouth the day before “ the pilot-boat sailed. When the Senate “came to the resolution of declaring war, the account of Mr. Perceval's death had “not reached Washington, but was known “at New York.”—i. Thus g new falsehood is to be set on foot. : We are now to believe, ofta, the decoration of war. is to have no eject.’ ‘Tijknow it.his been asserted, distinctly asserted, that the SENATE had rejected the proposition for war. This, as the reader well knows, has been stated most distinctly, with all the circumstances attending the fact. It was not only asserted, that the Senate had rejected the proposition, but the number of the majority against the motion was given to this deceived, this cheated, this insulted nation. In the Courier news-paper of the 17th instant was published the following paragraph: “We stop the press to state, that we “ have just learned, that on a motion made “ in the House of Representatives for de“claring war against Great Britain, the “question was carried by a large majority; “but on being brought up to the Senate, “it was Reject ED by a majority of Two.” ——This was published on the 17th of July, and, on the 20th, the above letter irom Liverpool.——Now, upon what authority was the first stateinent made? Clearly upon no authority at all. It was a falsehood; a falsehood intended to deceive the people of England; a falsehood intended to cheat them ; a falsehood intended to answer most base and yet most foolish purposes; for, on the 20th, out comes the truth by sheer force. I have heard a gentleman say, that he verily believed, that, if the French were at Dover, half a million strong, these same news-papers would represent Napoleon as at the last gasp. I hardly believe that ; for, by the time he was safely landed, they would be considering of the means of going over to his side, and would, in their own minds, be settling as to their price. But, short of a crisis like that, there is nothing that will induce them to desist from persevering in ialsehood to the very moment of detection. To the very moment. They know well, that a few weeks, days, or hours, must expose their falsehoods to the public; but, they know also, that, for those weeks, days, or hours, the falsehoods answer their purpose. And, when one falsehood is worn out, they have another. Thus it is, that this nation is deceived ; it is thus that it is more deceived than any other nation upon earth; and that, at last, when a calamity comes upon it, it seems to be thunderstruck at

what all the rest of the world clearly foresaw. It is thus, too, more than by any other means, that the country has been brought into its present humbled and distressed state. The people have always been believing pretty nearly the contrary of truth while the event was coming. The result has, in almost every case, been precisely the opposite of what was expected : and the world have thought the people of England mad for their silly expectations; but, if the world knew the means that are used to make the people of England believe falsehoods instead of truth; if the world knew, that the people of England, during the progress of any expedition or other warlike undertaking, for instance, hear nothing but falsehoods respecting it, the world would not be surprised at the disappointment of the people of England at the result. These observations apply with peculiar force to the dispute with America, who has been represented to the people of England as being, even now, wholly incapable of going to war, and whose government has been represented as acting contrary to the sense of the people in all its acts of resistance against England. Now, however, we are at war, if the above news be true; and even now new falsehoods are attempted to be palmed upon us. But, does the reader not perceive, that, if America has declared war, she is at war 2 And that, if she is at war, there must be a trealy before there can be a peace? To make a treaty of peace will require some months, at any rate ; and, does the reader suppose, that the Americans, after the expense of arming has been encountered, wiłł. disarm, till she has obtained satisfaction upon all the points at issue? The acts of aggression (as she considers them) on our part are many; and does the reader suppose, that the mere news of the repeal of the Orders in Council will satisfy her ? Besides, if there were no subject of disagreement but that of the Orders in Council, does not the reader perceive, that the repeal has not been full, and complete, and unqualified; and that, if it were so, America cannot be expected to disarm without some sort of compensation? What! Is our government to commit upon the Americans whatever acts of aggression it pleases; and, after that, when America arms and declares war, are we to suppose, that, to effect an instant peace, we have nothing to do but to put a stop to our aggressions? I do not take upon me to assert, that they are aggressions; but, sup

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