3. POLITICAL QUERIES. WHETHER a King, by his coronation oath, is not bound to redress the grievances of his fubjects when appealed to? 2. Whether a King can transfer the redreffing of thofe grievances to any other power? 3. Whether a who fupinely or indifferently fuffers, or wilfully neglects, the redrefling of juft and undeniable grievances, does not diffolve the aliegiance of the aggrieved? 4. If infringements upon the conftitution are proved beyond contradiction, whether the people have not a right to folicit, and (if denied) to demand redress? 5. Should the just complaints of the people be neglected by government, and their grievances rather augmented than relieved, whether the contract between the gg and the governed, is, or is not, diffolved? 6. Should the people be expelled from the protection of government, whether thofe people ought to contribute towards the fupport of that government, either with their perfons or properties? 7. If counties and boroughs have power to chufe men to ferve them in the fenate, how comes it they have not of limiting the time of their the power fervitude? 8. If the reprefentatives of the people have it in their power to impofe their fervice upon their conftituents for a longer term than they were chofen for, why not for life? 9. Should men, by art and hypocrify, obtain a truft, and through a lucrative inclination difpofe of that trust to their own advantage, wherein do those men differ from tharpers? 10. As the great Creator (by the doctrine of the gospel, and the revela A tion of the prophets) is the only just Being that can do no wrong; whether to attribute that divine perfection to any mortal man is not blafphemy? 11. Should any man be poffeffed of the abovementioned divine perfections, Whether it is not an abfurdity to administer an oath to that perfon to bind him to do right, who cannot do wrong? 12. Should a perfon, to whom these divine qualities are attributed, accept an oath, and not adhere to the tenure of it; Whether fuch an imperfection does not explain the abfurdity to the meaneft understanding? 13. Should a law be made to impofe a credulity, or at least obedience to fo abfurd a dctrine; might not fuch a law be justly deemed diabolical? 14. Whether the Olympic giants (who would have assaulted and invaded the heavens) and Chriftians, who thus infult and blafpheme the divine Eternal Being, are not equally impious? 15. Should the minifters of the gofpel, for temporal advantages, tamely fuffer fuch doctrine to pafs; might not thefe ecclefiaftics be justly called the priests of Belial ? 16. If a people, who ftand upon a tripode, find one or more of the fupporters to be rotten, may not they be juftly apprehenfive of their danger of falling? 17. If a people, who are or ought to be free, fhould open their eyes and fee their religion profaned, justice subverted, and their liberties trampled upon, their most juft, fubmiffive, and moft dutiful appeals, unheeded and fcoffed at; Whether fuch people should bend their necks with non-refiftance, and tamely receive their bondage or refift their troubles, and (as Hamlet fays) by oppofing, end them? To the EDITOR of the OXFORD MAGAZINE. Greeable to your requeft, I have fent you drawings of the moft remark- S. L. Memoirs Memoirs of the firft Duke of Somerset and the great Sir Edward Seymour, Ascejlors to the prejent Duke of Somerfet. [Concluded from p. 48.] Ο N the Duke's arrival, he found that his brother had formed a ftrong party against him; fome of the privy council, feveral noblemen of diftinction, and a great many members of the lower houfe were his friends. But the council being informed of his defigns, aflured him, that if he did not delift, they would deprive him of his office, fend him to the Tower, and profecute him for high treafon. Gardiner, Bishop of Winchefter, who was the life of the popish party, was at this time thrown into prifon. This blow Staggered the Admiral, and was fatal to his caufe; he fubmitted to his brother, who generously forgave him. The Duke of Somerfet behaved with fo much firmness on this occafion, that Edward himself began to be fenfible of the Admiral's mifconduct; and an act of general amnesty, which was paffed in the clofe of this parliament, did not a little increase the Duke's popularity. The Protector had nothing more at heart than the progrefs of the reformation; but the difficulties with which he had to ftruggle, made him cautious as well as flow in his measures. The Queen Dowager dying in the preceding year, the Admiral openly renewed his addrefies to the Princefs Elizabeth. But as he was excluded from the fucceffion, unless the married with the confent of the council, he was determined to gratify his ambition another way. He formed a fcheme of feizing the King's perfon. The council, having received intelligence of his fchemes, committed him to the Tower. The King himself figrified his difapprobation of the Admiral's conduct, and he was condemned by the upper houfe to be beheaded. The Duke did not vote in paffing the Will for his brother's attainder. led them to the coramittion of a thou fand extravagances, which he endeavoured in vain to palliate; the greater his conceflions, the more were their outrages. They proceeded to acts incompatible with government, and at laft to actual rebellion. The noblemen, who were employed in the fuppreffion of thefe infurrections, were either the Duke's fecret enemies, or his falfe friends. Among the former was the Earl of Warwick, who watched every opportunity to work his ruin. At this juncture a fries of ill fuc. ceffes abroad increafed the gloomy profpects at home. The French were fo powerful on the continent, that the Duke perfuaded the King to give up Boulogne to put an end to the quarret between the two nations. This meafure was made ufe of by the Duke's enemies against him. In the north the Scots had retaken feveral places, which the Duke had wrefted from them, and feemed to gain ground every day. Thefe circumftances contributed to bring the plot against the Protector to maturity; and Warwick openly declared himfelt his enemy. His enemies prevailed fo far as to fend him to the Tower. Being a greater friend to his country than to himself, he condefcended to own himself guilty of the crimes laid to his charge, from an apprehenfion that a contrary conduct would involve his friends in his ruin, and plunge the nation into a-civil war. In confequence of this step, he was deprived not only of his place, but likewife of his eftate, which, at that time, was thought to be the most confiderable one in the kingdom. The moderation which the Duke had fhewn in this diftrefs, proved of fingular fervice to the kingdom. The Though the ambitious defigns of the treaty he had made with the French Admiral justly fubjected him to punith- before his troubles was ratified, and ment, the Duke's enemies accafed him was a means of his emerging from his of being the cause of it; and branded obfcurity. During his difgrace the him as a parricide. The artifices of popifh party looked upon his fall as a the Duke's enemies at laft excited a . Încky circumstance in their favour. general difcontent. The confidence In the year 1550, the national affairs which the people had in kis humanity were fo embroiled, the affections of VeL. IV. M the the people were fo alienated, the debts of the crown were fo immenfe, that nothing less but anarchy and rebellion were prefage by the moft wary. In this diftrefsrul fituation, the wifeft of the counfel turned their eyes on the Duke of Somerfet, as the only one whofe popularity might reftore the public tranquility. They therefore petitioned the King in his favour, and he was restored to his place at the council board. This circumftance was very difguftful to the Duke's enemies, who determined to prevent their own ruin by concerting fuch meafures as muft inevitably occafion his. However the Duke's former troubles had made him cautious, and he chofe rather to evade their difpleasure by refignation, than provoke it by revenge. A fingular inftance of his modelly appears in the following anecdote: When his mother died he would not go into mourning without acquainting the council of the melancholy event, and afking their confent. He atked-but who has inhumanity enough to imagine that he was denied his requeft? Yet he was, even at this very period, doing the nation the moft fignal fervices; he had, by his prefence in Suffex, defeated the defign of the Imperialifts, who intended to land there and carry off the Lady Mary. But his fervices could not prevail over the prejudices of his enemies. While the Duke was absent the Earl of Warwick endeavoured to fupplant him with the King; and procured his recal from the welt, where he was at the head of an army. On his return, he was employed by the council to treat with Gardiner, Bifhop of Winchefter, who was then in the Tower, and to offer him his liber:y, if he would comply with the reformation. Gardiner's obftinacy expofed him to fresh feverities; and his fufferings rendered the Duke obnoxious to the papifts. Notwithstanding the obftacles which the Duke continually met with, he ftill continued his zealous endeavours for promoting the reformation, which every day was rooted deeper and deeper. In the year 1551, the Duke's popularity was fo very great, that it was generally thought he would be restored to the protectorship. His preferment Warwick forefaw would be fatal to himself, he therefore tried every expedient to ward off a blow which threatened him with deftruction. He was too fuccessful. Warwick being now in the King's favour, and created Duke of Northumberland, thoug t it the best expedient to ingratiate himself with the friends of popery. Nothing, he was certain, would recommend him more to that party than the removal of Somerset, who was an inveterate enemy to the popish caufe, and as zealous a propagator of the reformation. He there fore reprefented the conduct of Somerfet in fuch a light to the King, as rendered him fufpected of evil defigns againft his perfon. He at laft accufed him of intending to affaffinate himself; he was tried upon the charge; and without being permitted to confront the evidences, he was condemned. It is likewife remarkable that the Duke of Northumberland, his inveterate enemy, was one of his judges. When the Duke received his fentence, his behaviour was fuch as mult have mollified the most obdurate heart; but few hearts were fo obdurate as that of Northumberland. The interval between his fentence and his execution was fpent by the Duke in acts of devotion, Religion only can fupport humanity in fuch diftrefsful circumstances. It was owing to this that when he appeared on the fcaffold, he fhewed not the least emotion of terror or of anxiety. He made a fpeech to the people, wherein he denied the crimes for which he was to fuffer; and when he declared his loyalty to the King, and his fidelity in the difcharge of his duty, all the spectators cried out, It is most true; and they as unanimously pronounced an Amen, to that petition of his prayer, wherein he begged that the King might enjoy health and profperity. Having finished his fpeech he laid his head on the block with the greatest compofure, and submitted to the fatal ftroke. His popularity was fo great, that the fpectators dipped their handkerchiefs in his blood, which they preferved as precious relics; and, when the Duke of Northumber land |