events is found in all the states. First came the schools and then the compulsion to attend.

Opposed to this is the present tendency in legislation, both in states and in the national government, to set up the principle of compulsory attendance before the provision has been established. The former American procedure has been to experiment, determine, and decree our present tendency is a reversal of this process. Why treat the alien differently from the native? Why assume that what was effective for the native will not be efficacious with the immigrant? Why reverse American procedure when attempting to Americanize?

X

SCHOOLING IN CITIZENSHIP

IT has been remarked that should all life in America suddenly become extinct and in aftercenturies curious scholars come to search among the ruins for characteristics of American civilization, there would be little in the remains from our school system to indicate that we had been a self-governing people. Direct efforts to teach the duties and responsibilities of citizenship in a democratic government have been, until recently, quite inadequate. We have long had a study of civics, which has lately been given the name "citizenship," but this has been limited to a very small number of pupils in the public schools and has not in any sense furnished a means of instructing the adult citizenry of the nation in the practice of self-government. The Americanization movement has fortunately been compelled to take note of the fact that an immigrant who comes from a country without self-government finds difficulty in immediately adjusting himself to the life of a democracy. Most Americanization programs

have, therefore, included training in citizenship as a corollary to the teaching of English, and have sought ways and means of instructing the immigrant in his public or civic duties. It is the purpose of this chapter to describe and appraise efforts which have already been made in this direction, and to indicate more fully what remains to be done.

The term "citizenship" has been very broadly used: moralists have spoken of Christian citizenship and included thereunder all of the virtues known to the human race; others have extended it to cover practically all of the everyday duties of an individual in a modern community-the obligations of a workingman, a husband, a wife, a child, a neighbor, as well as the purely civic obligations involved in the relation of a man to the government under which he lives. In many instances, where the word "Americanization,' with all of its multitude of connotations, is being dropped, the word "citizenship" is one of the terms substituted. It is, consequently, of considerable importance to seek at the outset to fix some boundaries to our study of the teaching of citizenship. We shall, therefore, consider only the formal training of the immigrant in a knowledge of those facts and in those practices pertaining not only to government, but also to those public and quasi-public institutions which serve the community as a whole. We shall not consider vocational training, religious or moral instruction, "safety first" lessons, or that type of drilling in certain formal nationalistic observ

ances which is sometimes called instruction in patriotism

VITAL VS. LEGALISTIC CIVICS

The teaching in civics in the United States was born and nourished in an age of dry legalism. The first texts in civics were dry commentaries on the Constitution. They put primary emphasis upon the machinery of government; state and local affairs were given little attention, and the functions of government were not treated at all. This is the education in civics which flourished until the past decade.

A reaction against this arid type of instruction began more than ten years ago. A number of educators began to insist upon a type of education in civics which should concern itself more largely with the functions rather than the forms of government, and with the local community rather than the national government. This new civics was commonly called "community civics," and its outstanding exponent was A. W. Dunn, whose text, Community Civics, still stands as perhaps its best exemplification. Community civics has had a great vogue. In its most extreme form it embodies all of the following characteristics:

1. The treatment begins with the more intimate social concerns of the citizen. In some texts the subject of the family is presented first, probably upon the assumption that the family is the simplest as well as the primary social unit. 2. The dominant idea presented is that of com

munity action. The pupil is to form his idea of the meaning of "community" from his experience of the local neighborhood, and after a long treatment of neighborhood housekeeping the author applies the same magic term "community" to the larger social units of city, state, nation, and world.

3. Overwhelming attention is given to inconsequential local affairs. The topic of the nation is treated in a few crowded pages at the end of the book, while many chapters are given to petty community affairs. For example, in a recent text for junior high schools, 1 chapter out of 21 treats of national government, or 13 pages of a total of 204. Twenty-seven lines are given to the subject of mosquitoes, while discussion of the Presidency of the United States is accorded 15. Another text of this type, containing in all 238 pages, gives 10 pages to the question of the nation. The same text gives more space to dealing with the preservation of trees than with the pros and cons of municipal ownership, and more pages to the topic of charity than to that of self-government.

4. A sense of obligation to the community is set up as the sum total of civic virtue. The preface of one of these books states that the author has two questions in mind: (1) "What is the community doing for the citizen?" and (2) "What does the citizen owe to the community?"

5. Few, if any, controversial subjects are introduced. All of the facts are set forth with a