manly policy; meeting, in all instances, the just claims of every power submitting to injuries from none. But, in regard to those continents, circumstances are eminently and conspicuously different. It is impossible that the allied powers should extend their political system to any portion of either continent, without endangering our peace and happiness; nor can any one believe that our southern brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of their own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, that we should behold such interposition, in any form, with indifference. If we look to the comparative strength and resources of Spain, and those new governments, and their distance from each other, it must be obvious that she can never subdue them. It is still the true policy of the United States to leave the parties to themselves, in the hope that other powers will pursue the

same course.

If we compare the present condition of our union with its actual state at the close of our revolution, the history of the world furnishes no example of a progress in improvement in all the important circumstances which constitute the happiness of a nation, which bears any resemblance to it. At the first epoch, our population did not exceed 3,000,000. By the last census it amounted to about 10,000,000, and, what is more extraordinary, it is almost altogether native for the emigration from other countries has been inconsiderable. At the first epoch, half the territory within our acknowledged limits was uninhabited and a wilderness. Since then, new territory has been acquired, of vast extent, comprising within it many

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rivers, particularly the Mississippi, the navigation of which to the ocean was of the highest importance to the original states. Over this territory our population has expanded in every direction, and new states have been established, almost equal in number to those which formed the first bond of our union. This expansion of our population and accession of new states to our union, have had the happiest effect on all its highest interests. That it has eminently augmented sources, and added to our strength and respectability as a power, is admitted by all. But it is not in these circumstances only that this happy effect is felt. It is manifest that, by enlarging the basis of our system, and increasing the number of states, the system itself has been greatly strengthened in both its branches. Consolidation and disunion have thereby been rendered equally impracticable. Each government, confiding in its own strength, has less to apprehend from the other, and, in consequence, each enjoying a greater freedom of action, is rendered more efficient for all the purposes for which it was instituted. It is unnecessary to treat here of the vast improvement made in the system itself by the adoption of this constitution, and of its happy effect in elevating the character, and in protecting the rights of the nation, as well as of individuals. To what, then, do we owe these blessings? It is known to all, that we derive them from the excellence of our institations. Ought we not, then, to adopt every measure which may be necessary to perpetuate them? JAMES MONROE. Washington, Dec. 2, 1823.

The government of BuenosAyres having recognized, and caused to be recognized, in virtue of credentials presented and legalized in competent form, Senores Don Antonio Luis Pereyra and Don Luis de la Robla, as commissioners from the government of his Catholic majesty; and it being proposed to the said Senores, by the minister for foreign affairs of the said state of Buenos-Ayres, to agree to a convention preliminary to the definitive treaty of peace and amity, which is to be concluded between the government of his Catholic majesty, and the government of the united provinces, upon the bases established in the law of the 19th of June of the present year; and they, after considering, and reciprocally discussing, whatever they held to be calculated to conduce to the better adjustment of the relations of the said states, have, in the exercise of the character with which they are in- vested, and of the powers conferred on them, agreed to the said preliminary convention in the terms expressed in the following articles:

Article 1. After sixty days, reckoning from the ratification of the present convention, by the governments to which it applies, all hostilities, by sea and by land, shall cease between the said governments and the Spanish nation. 2. In consequence, the general of the forces of his Catholic majesty at present in Peru, will continue in the positions which he shall occupy at the time of the convention being notified to him, saving the particular stipulations, which, for reciprocal convenience,

the adjacent governments may pro pose or accept, for the purpose of improving their respective lines of occupation during the suspension of hostilities.

3. The relations of commerce, with the sole exception of articles contraband of war, shall, during the period of the said suspension, be fully re-established between the provinces of the Spanish monarchy, those occupied by the armies of his Catholic majesty in Peru, and the states which ratify this convention.

4. In consequence, the flags of the respective states shall be reciprocally respected and admitted into each other's ports.

5. The relations of maritime commerce between the Spanish nation and the states which may ratify this convention, shall be regulated by a special convention, the framing of which shall be entered upon in pursuance of the present convention.

6. Neither the authorities administering the provinces of Peru in the name of his Catholic majesty, nor the adjacent states, shall impose on the trade of each other higher duties than those which may exist at the period of the conclusion of the present convention.

7. The suspension of hostilities shall subsist for the space of 18 months.

8. Within the said period the government of the state of BuenosAyres will negociate, through the medium of a plenipotentiary of the united provinces of the Rio de ls Plata, and conformably to the law of the 19th of June, the conclusion of a definitive treaty of peace and amity between his Catholic

majesty and the states of the American continent to which the said law refers.

9. In case of the renewal of hostilities, such renewal shall not take place, nor shall the relations of commerce be interrupted, until four months after the intimation of hostilities.

10. The law existing in the Spanish monarchy, as well as in the state of Buenos-Ayres, respecting the inviolability of property, even though it may be an enemy's property, shall have full force, in the case of the operation of the preceding article, within the territories of the governments which may ratify this convention, and reciprocally.

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11. As soon as the government of Buenos-Ayres shall be authorized by the House of Representatives to ratify this convention, it will negociate the accession thereto of the governments of Chili, Peru, and the other united provinces of the Rio de la Plata; and the commissioners of his Catholic majesty will, at the same time, take every means for giving to this accession, on the part of the authorities of his Catholic majesty, the most prompt and complete effect.

12. For the due effect and validity of this convention, the necessary copies shall be signed and sealed on the part of the commissioners of his Catholic majesty with their seal, and on the part of the government of Buenos-Ayres by the seal of the department for foreign affairs.

(Signed) ANTONIO LUIS PEREYRA, LUIS DE LA ROBLA, Commissioners of his Catholic majesty. BERNARDIN RIVADAVIA, Minister for foreign affairs.

Buenos-Ayres, July 4.

The war which the king, Louis 18th, is preparing to make on the Spanish nation being directly and principally opposed to the principle recognized in article 1 of the law of the 10th of May, 1822, in case that aggression should be realized, the government is authorized to negociate,-after the conclusion of the definitive treaty of peace and amity with his Catholic majesty, on the bases of the law of the 19th of June, to which treaty the convention of the 4th of July current is preliminary, that there shall be voted, by the American states recognized independent, in virtue of the said definitive treaty, for maintaining the independence of Spain under the representative system, the same sum of 20 millions as that which in the month of March last was supplied for destroying it by the chambers of Paris.

Citizens of the senate and of the chamber of representatives.-The solemn installation of the second congress of Colombia is one of the most happy events of my political life. Its meeting in the manner prescribed by our fundamental laws, is both an unanswerable testimony of the acquiescence of the government in the declared will of the nation, and a motive for consolation to the republic and of shame to its enemies. This most august body uniting the most enlightened understandings, the purest patriotism, and the most extensive experience, its deliberations cannot fail to be the fruits of the most ardent desire for the public prosperity. I am convinced that wise laws, salutary reforms, and measures which, by disseminating universal happiness and good will, shall consolidate the work of 12 years of sacrifices, will result from your deliberations, and be the abundant fruit which the people will receive with joy and gladness. However great were the exertions and labours of the last general congress, and however laudable the desire by which it was animated, there is a void in the republic which you are called upon

to make good. The constituent congress could scarcely do more than trace out the line by which succeeding legislatures could proceed with security. The executive government will, by means of its respective organs, lay before the congress all the information and materials which time and circumstances have permitted it to collect; and you, gentlemen, selecting the best and most proper for the happiness of the nation, will find a

vast field open to your deliberations and to the fulfilment of your duties.

The government of Colombia has not omitted any steps that could bring our contest with Spain to an end, in a manner honourable to both parties, and with reciprocal advantages. The govern ment has not been guided by any apprehension of the uncertain issue of the war, but by the desire of saving humanity from the useless sacrifice of fresh victims, and establishing peace between the two nations.

The government availed itself of the first favourable moment to send a commission to Madrid, which, being assisted by the progress of our cause, and the change of principles in the political system of Spain, might obtain by reason, that which we were otherwise determined to attain by arms. Our agents were not heard; imputations, absolutely false, were made against them; they were despatched from the Court upon dishonourable pretences, and the manner in which we were accredited was such, that conciliation, on the principle of independence, was impossible. The government of the republic was not surprised at this result, for it never had reason to entertain the idea, that the government of his Catholic majesty was disposed to renounce the mad desire of keeping us in subjection; but it was necessary to accede to the wishes of the Spanish commissioners, and to give to the world a fresh proof that our perseverance in the present contest did not proceed from a spirit of revenge or hatred, but from the most