shams. The gambler stole; so did the lottery-keeper; the money-lender stole; the employer robbed his servants; rent was theft. Everywhere there reigned authorized thieving. Lift the cloak of the best, and you found that Cato was skulking out with a bag of gold, and was as great a rogue as the rest. And so general was the sin, that we cannot help thinking that Proudhon must have suspected himself of at least some kind of petty larceny. In his tract on the celebration of Sunday, he observes that Christ, in speaking of the Decalogue, kept silence with respect to the Eighth Commandment, "judging the hardness of the hearts of his audience to be too great to listen to the truth; " and he asks, After eighteen centuries, are we worthy of hearing it?" And Proudhon, "mover of ideas," fiercest of philosophers, died with the conviction that we were not. 66 From The Economist, little savings increase, and loves to exercise the proprietary privileges and domestic authority which he enjoys. He is afraid of change and detests war. His love for national glory is feeble beside his love for local prosperity. He is one of the least adventurous of God's creatures, a being of as modest expectations, as far removed from vaulting ambition, as it is possible to conceive. He has of course his own little vanity, but it only induces him to make a world for himself in the sphere in which he is predominant, and which he never really desires to quit. Turn to the great cities of France, and especially to the metropolis, and everything seems reversed. The individuality of the Frenchman is almost absorbed into that of the society to which he belongs. Each man's vanity is magnified into the vanity of a great social organism, every true Parisian, for instance, feeling as if Paris herself were in some sense incarnate in his own person. The tenacious sense of proprietorship and individual importance disappears; and in its place there grows a taste for socialism and a vivacity of municipal feeling that to our cold eyes seems scarcely credible and THE murders, the anarchy, and the mas- even hardly sane. Look at the fury which sacre in Paris, have naturally brought to a the hesitation of the Assembly to remove focus that feeling of antagonism between to Paris has produced in the breasts of the metropolis and the rural districts which shopkeepers who, as shopkeepers, were every one of the last eighty years has more probably never guilty of running a needor less made clear to the minds of French-less risk in their lives, but who, as Parimen. One of the most curious specific sians, have risked gain, and order, and life differences between the French and Teu- itself to avenge the supposed insult which tonic races seems to be this, that while the Paris has suffered. In the place of extreme Teuton remains pretty nearly the same caution appears rashness; in the place of self-dependent, somewhat slow, being in eager acquisitiveness the most reckless great social masses that he is in compara- spirit of destruction. It is literally true tive solitude, something like a real fermen- that no fermentation, no organic process tation appears to take place in the nature known in nature, causes a change so startof Frenchmen when associated in such ling as continued association with other masses, till the passions and vices and vir- Frenchman in an active, keenwitted society tues of French society, as seen in great seems to cause to the limited and conservatowns, become something positively distinct tive nature of a French peasant. He bein kind from the passions and vices and comes quick, witty, aggressive, exigeant, virtues of Frenchmen sparsely scattered rash, from being slow, dull, timid, humble, over the country. Lyons and Marseilles cautious to an extreme. His politics and Paris show Frenchmen in a form so change their hue, and become impulsive, far removed from that of the small pro- offensive, dictatorial. A Marseillese, or prietors and peasants of the departments, Lyonnese, or a Parisian, is more certain by that there is nothing in what chemists call far to be politically abhorrent to the French the "allotropic" states of the chemical peasantry than a Londoner or a Berliner elements, which can compare for a moment would be in his place. Strict association with the marvel of the transformation. in large multitudes makes a newer being The little French farmer or peasant-pro- of the Frenchman than of the members of prietor is a frugal, saving, timid, creature any other European race. The chasm beof quite exaggerated caution. In relation to the rights of property and the domestic duties, no one can be more tenacious or more conservative. He loves to see his tween the people of the great cities of France and the people of the departments is so great as to cause a terrible political danger at all times; and in times like these, when dangerous stimulants have been ad-1 power Paris exercises over the rural disministered both to the conservative and to tricts is visible enough in the history of the anarchical passions of Frenchmen, the these few last days, when the soldierschasm is, naturally enough, wider and who are drawn from the country - have more threatening than ever. No one can refused even to avenge the unprovoked doubt that the Assembly at Versailles is murder of two of their Generals, and have more completely out of harmony with the reversed their arms on the first collision rebel Committee in Paris than it would be with the Paris mob. But besides this with our own Parliament, or with the Par- deep-rooted traditional feeling for Paris, liament of Holland or Sweden. Is it pos- which Frenchmen have so long identified sible that such a danger can endure with- with France in French history, there is the out prolonged anarchy ? Is there no natural and intense eagerness of French remedy which might really prove, if not deputies to live in the very centre of pubfinal, at least radical? lic life and popular amusement, and the The obvious answer is that if the Parlia- clear knowledge that this can be managed ment of France would govern France, it only at the place where for centuries must remove from Paris, where the local society has been organizing itself so as to influence is so powerful and is used to obtain these ends. Then there is the fact override the instructions with which the that the administrative machinery all cencountry deputies are charged. Just as in tres in Paris, and that the railway lines all some federated States (though Switzerland converge there. The very deep conservais not amongst the number) it seems to be tism of the French rural districts will opfound desirable to place the capital in a erate, too, against making any serious comparatively insignificant place, like change such as would shock the national Washington or Ottawa, in order to avoid imagination, and it can hardly be doubted the jealousies which local influence would that to insist on permanently de-metropootherwise cause, so in France, which lizing Paris would shock the national immust be considered for the future a kind agination. However bad are the politics of confederation between city and country, of Paris, all France feels a certain pride in it may well seem desirable to remove the the exciting traditions of Paris, and would seat of Government from the overweening feel that to give the go-by to Paris would influence exercised over it by the restless be practically to lose one great stimulus of genius of the metropolis. And it is per- life and that part of a Frenchman's inherihaps just conceivable that after this mas- tance, on which he is at least as apt to sacre and anarchy some such change might pride himself as a mother on her own combe possible. The country is by this time plete incompetence to tame the high spirit probably more fanatically anti-Parisian of her son. than at any time since June, 1848, if not Indeed, it seems not unlikely that the even more than it was then. If ever this Assembly will produce no man equal to feeling is to rise into a spasm of fear and organizing the military reduction of Paris, hatred, it will probably be now. And if and its efficient Government from another the country could really resolve on so au- centre; while, if such a man there be, the dacious a step, it is hardly to be doubted chance is very great indeed that he could that the soldiers, who are recruited from govern and keep down Paris even better the country, might be sufficiently loyal to from inside than from outside. The enterthe country to use their weapons freely for prise of abandoning Paris, and of suppressthe reduction and conquest of Paris, while ing with a strong hand the discontent the Assembly adjourned to some little town which that would cause, is evidently quite where there would be no dread of over- beyond M. Thers' strength; and if a ruler bearing influence. Persuade the small can be found to undertake it, it is very landed proprietors of France that the only likely that he would prefer instead to unchance for the safety of their proprietary dertake the solution of the problem how rights is to protect the Assembly from the to govern the country from within Paris, influence of Paris, and to render Paris un- though without conceding too much to the able to attack the Assembly, and there violent influences of Parisian politicians. would at all events be a great we do not As it is, Paris is plainly a political volcano, say a successful effort made in the course from which every few years or so come of the next few days to throw off abso-fire and ashes and destruction for the lutely the magic spell of Paris, and to neighbouring regions of France; and unmake her feel for the future her strict po- less these periodic eruptions can be finally litical subordination to France. But the suppressed, the safest measure for the effort might well fail. What marvellous French Assembly would be, of course, to remove to some spot beyond the reach of the lava and ashes. Whether, however, the safest measure be a possible measure, whether Paris would not attract the Government to herself with a force of quite irresistible magnitude, we do not pretend to decide. If it be not so, we very much fear that the conditions of a real political equilibrium in France not only do not, but cannot exist. From The Examiner. THE CONDITION OF TURKEY.' THE Conference for the consideration of the Black Sea question has ended, and the neutralization of the Black Sea has ended with it. We need not here consider how the abrogation of a principal, if not the principal, stipulation of the Treaty of Paris was brought about, or whether the best possible guarantees for the security of Turkey have been substituted for those which Russia found so unendurable, but to whose maintenance Turkey, through the mouth of Musurus Pasha, declared that it attached " great value." It certainly seems a little ingenuous to suppose that the power accorded to the fleets of Russia under the new arrangements, of transporting their broadsides within thirtysix hours from the re-established arsenals of Sebastopol to the waters of the Golden Horn, is of a nature to be compensated by the permission granted to Turkey of opening the Dardanelles to distant or unprepared allies. The decisive moves of the game might well be lost and won before a single British ship of war from Portsmouth or from Malta had sighted the Dardanelles, even if it were good policy to send one. It is probable, however, that the Government did the best that could be done under the circumstances. It is certain, even supposing, as seems likely, that the results of the Conference involve a certain precipitation of the downfall of Turkey, in Europe at least, that whatever has been done can at most only have the effect of hastening what was in any case inevitable. It is now four centuries since the race of the Osmanli exchanged the tent of the desert for the castle of the Seven Towers. Their long invincibility might have been reckoned upon to root them in the soil they had conquered. But every advantage or opportunity has proved unavailing before the inherent vices of their character or system. The Turks of to-day hardly reach the total of two millions between the southern boundaries of Austro-Hungary and the northern boundaries of Greece. Even with the reinforcement of the intractable Albanians - the only other considerable body of Mussulmans within the European dominions of the Sultan - the total population that can be interested in maintaining the supremacy of the Koran is equalled, if not exceeded, by the single tributary State of Roumania. It is greatly outnumbered by the Slave races, whose chief seats are in the vassal principality of Servia and the provinces of Croatia, Bosnia, and the Herzegovina, without being confined, however, to these. Taking the sum of the inhabitants of European Turkey as fifteen millions, it would be unwise to class more than four millions as Mohammedans. Indeed, the different nationalities of the heterogeneous community may be stated with tolerable exactness as follows: Slaves, 6,000,000; Roumanians, 4,000,000; Ottomans, 2,000,000; Albanians, 1,500,000; Greeks, 1,000,000; Arminians, 300,000; Sub-races, 200,000. These figures imply the extinction of Turkism on the continent of Europe. It is true that in Asiatic Turkey the proportions of Mussulmans and Christians are reversed, while in Egypt the name of Christian may be described as unknown. But barbarous tribes and distant dependencies cannot be conceived to counterbalance Christian superiority in the north of the Empire. There was a time, indeed, when the Arabs of the waste and the Bashi Bazouks of Lesser Asia might have been expected to crush an insurrection in the Balkan. That was when undisciplined fury and the Saracenic scimitar were real terrors. In these days of arms of marvellous precision and rapidity of fire, ten thousand raving Delhis might be of as little moment against determined hearts such as Kara George commanded in 1801, as the Algerian goums that charged and died around the squares of France at Isly. The ruler of Egypt might, indeed, send some few thousand regulars. He sent them to Crete - for a consideration. the absence of a consideration, the zeal of the Khedive for his liege lord and master is too well known to be dilated upon. The Porte cannot count even upon the Bedouin to-day. The Wahabee has arisen to confront the Sunni, and the Arab revolt in Yemen - his Highness the Khedive's interest in which may shortly appear-threatens to give the coup de grace to the finances of the Empire. In The question of finance alone, indeed, Where a soi-disant governing race breaks down so hopelessly in numbers and organization, the conclusion is obvious. In Turkey the movement has long since set in which tends to substitute a confederation of Christian nationalities for the effete despotism of the Vicar of Mahomet. Were no interference save that of Turkey to be dreaded, the allied nations of the Balkan and the Lower Danube would, in union with a Hellas extended to its natural limits, complete an Eastern Statesystem that certainly would not want some elements of stability. suffices to reveal the desperate situation | Turkish Empire is equally certain whether of the most ill-assorted and worst-managed an increase of debt is avoided, and the State. Who can enumerate the successive governmental machine breaks down for loans by which the Turkish financiers have want of the supply that borrowed capital endeavoured to bolster up the dilapidated can give; or, on the other hand, whether concern? A loan in 1854 on the security debt is increased and the revenues of the of the tribute of Egypt. A loan in 1855 State, already almost eaten up from this on the security of the balance of the trib-cause, disappear altogether in the payment ute of Egypt and the customs of Syria. of interest to the foreign creditor. A loan in 1858 on the security of the customs and octrois of Constantinople. A loan in 1860 on the security of the customs and general revenues of the Empire. A loan in 1862 on the security of the tobacco, salt, stamp, and license duties, and also the general revenues of the Empire. A loan in 1863 on the security of the Imperial customs and tithes. A loan in 1865 on the security of the sheep-tax in Roumelia and the Archipelago, and the produce of the mines of Tokat. A loan in 1866. A loan in 1867. A loan in 1869. A loan in 1870. And now there is to be another loan, if anybody is found rash A glance at the contemporary position enough to lend Turkey any more. Proba- of the model community of Servia, which bly this loan will be on the security of the feels the burthen of not one penny of pubbracelets and bangles of the Seraglio. lic debt, will show how rapid and decided At least, we cannot guess at any other are the advances towards gathering tothings of value that are left unpledged on gether the kindred populations which the highland or lowland, continent or main. cunning policy of the Porte has so long There may be a lien on them, too, for kept asunder. Surrounded on all sides by aught we know. It is true that the Budg- races Slave in origin or language, débris et Committee, which has been sitting for like it of the great Servian Empire founded the past twelve months under the presi- in the fourteenth century by the Tzar dency of Kiamil Pasha, promises us that Douchan the Strong, it may be regarded the deficit this year will only amount to as the centre of that Servian Fatherland 2,500,000l., instead of the 3,000,000l. of which comprises, besides the Principality previous years, or the 5,000,000l. that was properly so-called, Bosnia, the Herzeexpected. It is doubtful, however, wheth-govina and Montenegro in Turkey, toer even this flattering state of affairs will gether with Dalmatia, Slavonia, Sirmia and much help the forthcoming request for a portion of the Banat in Austro-Hungary. another loan. It may even be suspected The Servian country (Serbia) is itself the - Turkish financiers are not immaculate centre of the Iougo-Slaves or Slaves of the - that the project of a loan has influenced South, whose extended race touches on the calculations of the Budget Committee, the Adriatic through Croatia, and on the and that, when things have been made Black Sea through Bulgaria. It may be smooth with the capitalists of Europe, it conjectured from this that the movement may happen that the deficit will be found of unification among the Southern Slaves not to fall so far short of the anticipated will yet extend beyond the limits of our 5,000,000l. To give anything like a present subject. It is sufficient, at present, trustworthy balance-sheet of the Ottoman to know that it has extended almost to its treasury," says Mr. Henry Page Turner widest possible range in Turkey. For Barron, First Secretary of Embassy at Constantinople, "is an impossibility. It is very doubtful whether the elements exist to enable the minister himself to produce such a document.... Next to the maintenance of peace, the first condition of solvency for the Turkish Treasury is a total abstinence from future loans." But Turkish statesmen must have loans, and more loans. The catastrophe of the 66 months past the Vidovdan and Jedinstwo, the official organs of the Servian Government, have familiarized us with the demand for the annexation of Bosnia and the Herzegovina, on the avowed ground of reestablishing the Servian dominion in its ethnographical limits. A Viennese authority has pointed out that the cession of these provinces would mean to the Porte complete and final isolation from friendly Austria, as well as loss of that considerable | tory of Turkish weakuess is the history of body of Bosnian nobles whose fanatic de- ultimate compliance. Nor will the bulvotion to Islam has so often stood Turkey warks of Schumla and Silistria long suffice in good stead. On the other hand, the against the irresistible tide of events. Vidovdan of the 15th of February explic- It is unnecessary to say that Roumania itly announced that the demands of Servia is practically sovereign. Unfortunately, will be peacefully conceded. It is certain her sovereignty is embarrassed by party that if the concession is not peaceable, conflicts and a load of debt. Worked by only one result is to be looked for from Russian gold, directed by a Prussian that thorough organization of the Servian prince, she is, as Wallachia and Moldavia forces, horse, foot, and artillery, that vast have ever been, the open gate to foreign accumulation of munitions, provisions, and intervention. The well known desire of provender, which has lately engrossed the her Hohenzollern ruler to substitute the attention of the Servian Ministry of War. absolutism of Berlin for the present demThe part which Montenegro will play re- ocratic constitution, the threatening lanquires small speculation to discover. Rus-guage of Count Bismarck in reference to sian newspapers are usually well-informed the Strousberg affair, the whispered conabout the Christian nationalities of Tur- currence of the Government of the Czar in key. And the Goloss recounts with triumphant satisfaction that at the late assemblage of the leading warriors of the Black Mountain, on the occasion of the introduction of the Prusso-Russian military system, the Prince Nicolas laid stress upon the coming war against "the enemies of our holy cross and holy freedom as a reason for the most exact discipline and the most thorough obedience. Some may be tempted to smile at the menaces of a State of 150,000 souls. But the country or district which can at a moment's notice place in the field 20,000 indomitable champions whose backs no equal foes ever beheld, where the very women and children might be depended on for the most desperate resistance, is an opponent which Turkey at least will not find to be contemptible. In Bulgaria, religious independence, as so often happens, is the precursor of political changes. The Bulgarians have insisted, and successfully insisted, upon the emancipation of their church from the interference of the Fanariote Patriarch of Constantinople, proverbially the creature of Mahometan intrigue. The Macedonians have sought to be united to the success of Bulgaria. The ominous conjuncture has been for the present prevented by the fears of the Porte. But the his the German designs, or, perhaps it ought to be, the concurrence of the German Government in the designs of the Czar,- all these are matters which call for the closest attention from the statesmen of the West. The distracted condition of the Danubian Principalities is the most conspicuous obstacle to the formation of that independent State-system which otherwise might take the place of the vanishing Moslem and unobtrusively solve the Eastern difficulty. Russia is bent upon the conquest or possession of the old City of Constantine. Roumania is the finest field for a diplomacy which must, above all things, seek to prevent the present tendencies of the Christian nationalities from consolidating themselves. It should seem, for opposite reasons, to deserve the care of a diplomacy interested in discountenancing the policy of St. Petersburg. We have as briefly as possible sketched the actual position in European Turkey. We need not apply the conclusions. The sick man is failing faster and more fast. Perhaps he has lingered too long already. One artificial aid to vitality has just been removed. He will shortly give up the ghost-"and none will say, God bless him." WHEN a new state or settlement is planted by our race, one of its first necessities seems to be a history; and the more ancient that history can be made the better. The Minnesota Historical Society has already reached its third volume of collections; this includes narratives of the old French explorers, and accounts of missions among Indians now expatriated or extinct. For them history has been made. In connexion with this we may mention that family histories still grow in the States. We have those of Fowler, Root and Roots. The latter is well called a genealogical tree. Athenæum. |