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GOVERNMENT BY THE PEOPLE.

One of the most encouraging signs therefore of the growth of civic thought and political conscience is the direct legislation plank in the Kansas City platform. The platform is admitted even by violent opponents to be a clear and a vig orous statement of the meaning of its makers, remarkably free from "weazel-words," and "stained glass planks," a fact which gives a double force to the simple but momentous words, "We favor direct legislation wherever practicable."

It is known that Bryan favors the referendum principle, and made an effort to obtain a recognition of it in the platform of 1896. This year convention and candidate were in agreement on this point, a point of the most vital importance whether we consider the value of the measure itself, or the indications its advocacy affords respecting the character of the party leaders who framed and adopted the Kansas City platform.

Advocacy of direct legislation by a body of American politicians is an act of the same nature as the advocacy of constitutional government by an emperor, or a body of aristocrats in an old time despotism. It is an expression of confidence in the people, and of willingness to place in their hands the power hitherto held by their rulers. No one who distrusts the people, or disbelieves in popular government, or wishes to pervert the powers of government to private ends will desire the adoption of direct legislation. Only the man who believes in the rule of the people in fact as well as in name, and neither has nor expects to have any private jobs that may be diffident of public inspection, only such a man can desire direct legislation.

The question of direct legislation is not a partisan one. It is favored by many thoughtful men in every party. Nevertheless it is natural that the party most fully in sympathy with the common people, and least under the domination of political and industrial aristocrats, should be the first to advocate direct legislation. And it is matter for profound gratification that two great parties and their leaders have put themselves on record as favoring the referendum principle.

DEMOCRACY AND DIRECT LEGISLATION.

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It is specially fitting that the party of Jefferson should take the lead in this movement to perfect the machinery of Democratic government.

We may fittingly close with a few pregnant lines from the great president and founder of American democracy: "Gov"ernments," said Jefferson, "are republican only in propor"tion as they embody the will of the people and execute "it. * * * Government is more or less republican in "proportion as it has in its composition more or less of this "ingredient of the citizen."

The little clause in the National Democratic Platform favoring Direct Legislation has an importance altogether out of proportion to its length, for it touches the very heart of free government. It is for us in less degree what the question of liberty is to the Filipinos,—it is cut from the same piece, it is the old, old question; Shall we be permitted to govern ourselves?

CHAPTER II.

TWENTY REASONS FOR THE REFERENDUM.

A full statement of the case for direct legislation requires a bulky volume, but under pressure in a good condensing chamber the substance of the principal arguments may be squeezed into very small space, and when one has studied the matter with care even the clauses italicized in the following analysis will call to mind the whole philosophy of the subject.

1. Direct legislation is essential to self government in complex communities a necessary element in true democracy. It and it only can destroy the private monopoly of legisla tive power and establish public ownership of the government. The fundamental questions are: "Shall the people rule or be ruled? Shall they own the government, or be owned by it? Shall they control legislation, or merely select persons to control it? Shall the laws passed and put in force be what the people want, or what the politicians and monopolists want?" The referendum answers these questions in favor of the people, and it is the only thing that can answer them that way, except a miraculous conversion of politicians to wisdom and angelhood.

2. It is simply a common-sense application of the estab lished principles of agency, affording the principal his proper rights of veto, instruction, control, or discharge. Direct legislation means control of your servants instead of letting your servants control you.

3. It will perfect the representative system by eliminating serious misrepresentation. The unguarded system of law making by final vote of delegates results in frequent misrepresentation. Laws are passed that the people don't want and laws they do want are not passed. The guarded system

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of law making, by vote of delegates subject to such action as the people may see fit to take directly, is the only system entitled to be called representative because it is the only system that can prove and overcome misrepresentation.

4. It is immediately and easily practicable in city and state affairs and to some extent in national affairs. We have direct legislation now in town meeting government, and the making and amending of constitutions. In city and state affairs legislators may submit questions to the people if they see fit to do so. All that is necessary is to transfer the option of ordering a submission from the legislators to the people and to make the people's decision final. In national elections, instead of voting on a candidate and a complex platform as a unit, it would be easy to put the main questions on the ballots and to vote yes or no on each issue. (See above, page 18.)

5. It makes for political purity, stopping corrupt legisla tion, and destroying the concentration of temptation which exists where a few legislators can take final action on franchises, etc.-$5,000 may buy five councilmen to vote against the people's interests, but cannot buy 5,000 citizens to vote against their own interests. The power of bribery will be infinitely diluted. It will no longer pay to bribe legislators, for their action will not be final, they cannot deliver the goods, and bribery of the people at a cost within the range of the values to be gained by it will be impossible. The lobby will die; rings and bosses will lose their power; blackmailing bills, and franchise steals will go out of fashion; the age of private legislation will pass away. Direct legislation will take politics out of the slums and civilize them.

6. Better men will be attracted to political life. The purer politics become the more attractive they will become to good men, and the less attractive to bad men.

7. It will simplify elections, separating the judgment on men from the judgment on issues, and disentangling issues so that each may be judged on its own individual merits. Our conglomerate politics, with its mixture of issues in com

plex platforms, each mixture to be taken only with a specified candidate or set of candidates, makes voting very hard. One may wish to vote against "imperialism," and also against "free silver," or for the rough rider, but against the Philippine policy and the gold standard,-with direct legislation he could do this, but as it is the voter must swallow some gall in order to get some honey.

8. It will simplify the law, stopping the enormous output of useless, or worse than useless laws and ordinances, and limiting legislation to the few brief and simple enactments that are really needed. The body politic will no longer be disgraced by a fecundity natural only to organisms of a low order.

9. It will lessen the power of partisanship. Experience proves that voters at a referendum deal with measures on their merits, and not on party lines.

10. It will elevate the press,-voting will turn more on reason, and mud will be less in demand in the political marke`.

11. It will educate the people, intellectually and morally--more responsibility, more discussion of measures and public affairs, wherefore more understanding, sympathy and civic patriotism, more mind, morals and manhood.

12. It will stop class legislation and give labor hr rights. Lawyers, traders, and corporation men form 60 to 90 per cent. of many congresses, legislatures, and councils. Farmers and artisans are not fairly represented in legislative bodies, but at the polls they will have their due preponderance, and can pass such laws as they please.

13. It is the open door of progress. Reforms will e me as fast as the people desire them, without organizing or conquering a political party to carry out each advance, or waiting till the millionaires and political bosses are ready for the cu"tain to go up.

14. It is, however, wisely conservative as well as progressive. There is no log-rolling or insidious lobby to carry a rash or dangerous law. The case for reform must be fully proved before the people will vote it. Experience with the