the refusal of Italy only referred to an official representation of the Government, and that in acting thus the precedents of later years, prescribed by the urgent needs of the Budget, had been scrupulously followed. Moreover, the economic view of the question was no longer what it had been in 1867 and 1878, for throughout Western Europe the principle of free trade had been almost universally replaced by that of protection. For this reason, and it was the only one, the Ministry had come to the conclusion that there was no reason for Government to be officially represented; but he energetically protested against the idea of any foreign influence having been exercised to induce Italy to hold aloof from the French fêtes. Signor Cavalotti replied that these explanations did not satisfy him, but that he would not move a vote of censure, although convinced that the country would support him. In proof of this assertion, a private committee was organised to enable Italian industry and commerce to take part in the Exposition, and a list was opened which was subscribed to by all classes, one private person giving 50,000 lire. Its subsequent success, however, was somewhat compromised by events of greater importance to which public attention was drawn away.

The Abyssinian imbroglio was rapidly approaching an acute phase. The Government, pressed by the military authorities, was forced (June 29) to ask for an extraordinary grant of 20,000,000 lire, and in the debate which ensued Signor Bonghi took occasion to inquire as to the rights put forward by France with regard to Zeila and Dessi in the Red Sea. Signor Depretis at once replied that the pretensions were imaginary, whereupon M. de Mouy, the French ambassador, addressed a remonstrance to the Italian Government, to which Signor Depretis replied at length, and suggesting that after this interchange of views each Power should reserve its rights to its own opinions. This somewhat feeble conclusion was not satisfactory to the Italian public, accustomed as they had been to a display of greater subtlety and resource on the part of their Prime Minister. The reason was not long in being explained. On the day following the despatch of this note Signor Depretis, worn out by age and illness, took to his bed, from which he never again rose.

The municipal elections were not long in showing their influence on the counsels of the Vatican. Cardinal Rampolla lost no time in addressing to the various papal nuncios (June 22) a circular despatch, in which he protested against any intention on the part of the Holy See to renounce its claims to the States of the Church. Whilst admitting that the language of the Ministers Zanardelli and Crispi had been moderate and conciliatory, the Cardinal called their comments absurd and their assertions unfounded, and in another paragraph he declared it useless to insist upon the incoherence and blunders of the Ministerial statements. The Cardinal went on to insist on the immemorial rights

of the Pope to temporal power, as a "necessary buttress of the independence of the Holy See, of the free propaganda of its doctrines, of the complete freedom of its ministry against domination and oppression of every kind." The moment chosen for putting forward this argument was more propitious than its force was apparent. The German Government a few months before had sought the intervention of the "unbuttressed" Papacy in its struggle with popular feeling; Belgium had entreated for a word of command to the Catholic Deputies; the Duke of Norfolk was getting ready to invoke the influence of the Papacy on the side of the English Government in Ireland. Moreover, Rome was about to become the scene of the great rejoicings and homage by which the Catholics throughout the world had decided to mark the fiftieth anniversary of the Sovereign Pontiff's entry into the priesthood. The news, too, that on the day of the great ceremonial the Pope would take part in the services in St. Peter's destroyed once for all the legend of his "captivity." If Leo XIII. remained within the precincts of the Eternal City it was by his own free will, and the Italian Parliament, untroubled by further dangers and debates, hastened to set the example of seeking a change of scene. Budget was passed with little or no alteration, the negotiations with Austria and France relative to fresh treaties of commerce were allowed to languish; and M. de Robilant was free to take his twenty millions for the Abyssinian expedition. On the occasion of the vote of this sum (July 5) the Minister openly avowed that he had never looked with favour upon the Italian occupation of Assab, and his objections had been so strong that in 1885 he had declined to join the Ministry. Since, however, the step had been taken there was no alternative but to remain at Massowah; and he insisted upon the danger of the country finding itself engaged in an African campaign at the moment when the conflagration in Europe became general.

The

The session closed on the following day, and public attention was at once directed to a series of calamities. The cholera, which had seemingly smouldered during the winter, broke out in Southern Italy, and rapidly spread to Sicily and Sardinia, where, especially in the districts round Palermo, it assumed a virulent form, and drove the half-educated peasantry to many acts of desperation. A serious riot at one moment threatened Naples, in consequence of the bursting of the new aqueduct of Il Serino, on which a quarter of the city was wholly dependent for its watersupply; and for a few days every cask of more or less pure water commanded five lire and upwards. Before the month closed Signor Depretis, the most skilful of Italian statesmen, had succumbed (July 27) to his long illness, but not until he had reached his native town of Stradella, which he had represented in every Parliament since 1849.

A Ministerial crisis naturally ensued upon the death of the

Prime Minister, and the king was forced to return to Rome in the height of summer in order to settle the difficulties of the situation. M. de Robilant and Signor Crispi once more found themselves face to face. After five days' hesitation the king, surmounting his personal feelings, called upon the latter to assume the presidency of the Council. In all other respects the Ministry remained the same. It was reduced by only one namethe name, it is true, of an ancient worker with Cavour and Garibaldi. Nevertheless, Signor Crispi's promotion to the premiership indicated a still greater evolution of the Government towards the Left, and nothing was changed in the foreign policy of the country. Signor Crispi took advantage of the vacation to push forward the preparations for the new Abyssinian expedition, but simultaneously he strove to retard it, or at least to render it unnecessary, by invoking indirectly the mediation of the British Government between Italy and the Negus of Abyssinia. It was, perhaps, with the idea of giving the world a high opinion of his diplomatic talents that Signor Crispi took so much pains to dissemble his real intentions. His outdoor speeches, as well as the articles in his newspaper La Riforma, sung in turns the praises of the Triple Alliance and of universal peace, but every step in one direction was immediately followed by one in the opposite sense. Thus King Humbert having received the congratulations of the Municipality of Rome on the anniversary of the occupation of that city (Sept. 20), replied by a telegram which created great sensation:" Rome can offer a welcome and protection to all who may come to render homage to the Sovereign Pontiff, and can be at the same time the capital of a strong and independent people." On the other hand, the Riforma declared that manifestations in behalf of the temporal power would on no account be tolerated. A few days later the Osservatore Romano, the official organ of the Vatican, hinted that the Italian Post Office was in the habit of opening letters addressed to and despatched from the Curia. The Italian Government protested against this calumny, which, doubtless, was unfounded; but the police, whose forbearance had also been called in doubt, thought right to make display of increased severity, and seized, in the shops of certain dealers in church ornaments, copies of a petition in favour of the re-establishment of the temporal power. Far more important, however, was the interview which took place (Oct. 2) at Friedrichsruhe between Signor Crispi and Prince Bismarck. At a banquet given to the Italian Premier at Turin (Oct. 26) after his return, he publicly declared himself a warm supporter of peace with France, and that his next strongest desire was to contribute towards maintaining a good understanding with that republic. At this very moment General Ferron, the French Minister of War, was making a careful inspection of the newly erected fortresses on the Alpine frontier. In this way did both nations prepare for possible emergencies. The autumn session was devoted

in its earlier debates almost exclusively to economical questions. The doctrine of free trade, out of favour both in France and Germany, was viewed with as little satisfaction by Italian politicians. Signor Magliani easily obtained a vote (Nov. 26) for increasing considerably the duties on sugar and other products. After lengthy debates in both Chambers, pointing to general unanimity on this and similar subjects, the attitude of the Ministry towards the Papacy was keenly discussed. In a speech (Nov. 25) the Pope complained of the abolition of ecclesiastical tithe in Northern Italy and the corruption of the youth of the country. To this Signor Crispi replied that the state of Italy was a subject of admiration for such as were able to judge how much she had gained since the suppression of the temporal power. In some respects she might be considered as setting an example to other nations, for a measure abolishing capital punishment had been accepted in principle, and was at that moment referred to a committee. The country of Beccaria was once more in front of the nations in the cause of criminal reform.

As the year closed crowds were flocking to Rome to celebrate with befitting splendour the Pontifical Jubilee. From every quarter, not only Catholics, but the sovereigns and chiefs of Protestant States, emulated each other in rendering homage to the policy of Leo XIII. Magnificent presents marked the devotion and respect with which the spiritual head of the Catholic Church was regarded. An exhibition arranged to display these marvels of art, however, gave rise to a quarrel between the Duc di Torlonia, Syndic of Rome, and the Ministry. The Syndic had proposed to the Municipal Council an address which was to be delivered to the Pope on the part of the Urbs Roma on the occasion of his jubilee. The clerical members of the Council warmly endorsed the suggestion, but the Liberal members insisted upon inserting the words " capital of Italy." This would have completely changed the character of the manifestation, and would have transformed the intended homage into a sort of declaration of war. The Papal Curia skilfully took advantage of this incident. By order of the Pope, Cardinal Parocchi handed over to the Municipality of Rome a considerable sum of money for the relief of the poor of the city. The Duc di Torlonia, unwilling to be wanting in courtesy, went in person to thank the Cardinal Vicar, Monsignor Parocchi. This step was looked upon by the Italian Ministry as an act of defiance, and the duke was dismissed (Dec. 30) from his post of Syndic of Rome. In Florence, a few days before, an unpleasant incident arose out of the action of Prætor Torsini, who insisted upon forcing his way into the French Consulate, in order to place seals upon the papers of a deceased Tunisian named Hussein Pacha. The Consul protested against this violation of international law, and a conflict as to jurisdiction seemed imminent. In Abyssinia no progress was being made. The Portal mission despatched by Queen Victoria to the Negus

Johannis had failed in its efforts to bring about an understanding. The Italian Government consequently found itself forced to one of three solutions: 1st, to undertake a serious expedition into the interior of Abyssinia; 2nd, to remain strictly on the defensive, and by so doing abandon to destruction by disease or otherwise the expeditionary force; or, 3rd, to withdraw its troops, a step little in keeping with the traditions of the House of Savoy. At the close of the year the Government had arrived at no decision.

The Budget of the year 1887-8 differed but little in its general aspect from that of its predecessors, the total receipts being estimated at 1,758,818,244 lire, and the ordinary expenditure at 1,801,757,180 lire, of which 1,486,062,121 lire were for the ordinary service of the year. The exceptional efforts necessitated by increased armaments had disturbed the financial equilibrium, but the general situation was considered hopeful should the peace of Europe remain unbroken.

CHAPTER II.

GERMANY AND AUSTRIA-HUNGARY.

I. GERMANY.

THE debate on the German Army Bill (see ANNUAL REGISTER, 1886, p. 357) was resumed on January 11, and both Count Moltke and Prince Bismarck spoke with more than usual emphasis on the necessity of increasing the military forces of the country. The former pointed out that "all the greater European Governments are earnestly making preparations to meet an uncertain future," and that "on every side the question is asked: Shall we have war?'" He admitted that strong Governments were guarantees of peace, as "no chief of a State would voluntarily undertake the responsibility" of beginning a European war; "but the passions of the people, the ambition of party leaders, the excitement of public opinion, are elements which may become stronger than Governments." "If," he continued, "in this political tension any Power is in a position to work for the continuance of peace, it is Germany; but to be able effectually to carry out this difficult, perhaps thankless, task of mediation. Germany must be strong and well prepared for war." He added that if the demand of the Government were rejected, he believed "we shall most certainly have war;" and he ended with the remark that "the army is the first institution of all in the country, for it alone renders the existence of all other institutions possible. All political and civil liberty, all the results of culture, the finances, the State, all stand or fall with the army." Following Count Moltke, Prince Bismarck said that the German Government by introducing the Bill "expressed their conviction that the present defensive strength of Germany does not afford the nation