pute still pending between the colonies and the parent state? Were there any measures in progress likely to bring about a reconciliation? Was there any considerable party in the colony in arms in favour of the mother country? In either of these last cases, he (the Earl of Liverpool) should say that no foreign power had any right to interfere; but if no such courses were any longer in operation, then the right accrued to interfere-not for the peculiar benefit of either party, but for the advantage of the world at large. We had acted with caution in the affair of South America, and our duty had been to do so. Spain was our ally, and had been so long; and our treaty of 1808 had been a treaty to maintain he. entire. From time to time, in the commencement of the disputes, we had offered our mediation to the Spanish government; and it was now clear, that to Spain-not in her state of bondage, but in her independent action-great part of the colonies, if not the whole, might have been preserved if that mediation had been listened to. This, then, being the case, the duty of England was clearly to put to herself this question-Were there any of the colonies any longer in that state which he (Lord Liverpool) had declared rendered foreign interference improper? Were there any as to which a reconciliation with the mother country seemed probable, or any in which a strong party in favour of that country was still in arms?-avowing that, in all attempts at, or offers to the effect of, mediation, the principle should be to give a preference to the rights of the parent state. [The noble lord then

entered into a brief view of the circumstances under which Mexico, Colombia, aud Buenos-Ayres had been striving for independence, in order to demonstrate that the steps now taken by England in their favour could not properly have been taken at an earlier period.] With respect to the affairs of India, and the increase contemplated in the military establishment of the country, the noble marquis who had last spoken had alluded to certain reports which were abroad: he (Lord Liverpool), however, begged that noble marquis to take nothing more for granted than was declared in the speech from the throne. It was not by any fault or neglect on the part of the executive government, that earlier information upon this subject had not been given to parliament; papers would shortly be produced, and for any farther explanation desired, every possible disposition existed to afford it. It remained now, therefore, only to trouble the house with a few words, and they should, at present, be but few, upon the state of Ireland. To enter fully into detail upon the questions connected with that country, would occupy more time than it was just now desirable to devote to it. He (the noble lord), in considering that matter, which was adverted to in the royal speech, and would come under the consideration of the house-in considering that matter, he could not treat it as wholly unconnected with the general catholic question, because there was no subject which interested or affected Ireland at all which some persons would not be disposed to mix up with that question, but he certainly should treat it as a matter by no means growing out of, or immediately connected

connected with it. For the measure which was to be proposed, there was nothing about it which should prevent its being discussed upon its own independent merits. There was nothing about it which touched the question of catholic claims-nothing which the advocate of those claims might not vote for as freely as he who stood most opposed to them. For the proceedings taken at this moment by the Catholic Association of Ireland, there could be no doubt that they amounted to an evasion of the provisions of the statute book. They were undertaken, and carried on in that spirit which said, determinately" Whatever law you make, our business is to evade and to nullify it." The proceedings of the Catholic Association at this moment were in decided hostility to the intent of the convention act-it was for parliament to declare if it would authorise the evasion of a statute so important. There might be those who would say generally that they disliked the effect of the restrictive laws operating upon Ireland, and that they would do nothing to strengthen or to extend them; but whenever those persons looked at the conduct of the party which called itself the Catholic Associationsaw it actually levying a duty, unauthorised, upon the catholic population of Ireland, would they say that the existence of such a body was consistent with the constitution of this country, or that it was compatible with its peace? He protested that he himself, if he stood before the house as the advocate of catholic claims, the first act which he would vote for should be the putting down of that convention-the Catholic Asso

ciation; because, if catholic claims were granted at all, they ought to be granted upon their own merits, and not to the demand of such a body as that association, acting in the way that that body was disposed to act. He renounced every desire, every idea, of interfering with the lawful rights of the catholics. He did not deny their right to assemble and to petition parliament; but that right was not now the question; the question was, whether that conduct should be tolerated which was decidedly inconsistent with the spirit of the laws. It was with reference to the authority of parliament, that he (Lord Liverpool) said this of government, and of the constitution. The speech from the throne said, that in the general prosperity-the increasing prosperity of the country, Ireland was taking a large share. This statement was entirely founded in fact; the effect of that fact was apparent in the cessation of those disturbances in many parts of that country, which some had attributed to political and religious animosities, but which he had always mainly attributed to distress. He believed what had been stated by the noble seconder of the address-that the wise measures of the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, and especially the constabulary act, had done great good; but he believed that the increasing prosperity of the country had done still more. religious dissensions, and the political animosities arising out of them-if these tended to produce disturbance, what could be more mischievous than the measures of the Catholic Association? It seemed to him (the noble lord) that both the safety and the prosperity

If

sperity of the country demanded that immediate measures should be taken against it. He should therefore sit down by giving notice, that on this day se'nnight, he should move for a renewal of the committee for inquiring into the state of Ireland.

After some observations from the Earls of Donoughmore and Roden, and Lord Clifden, the address was agreed to unanimously.

The Lord Chancellor said, that at the close of the last session of parliament, he had taken the liberty of stating that he would, in the course of the present session, move for leave to regulate a system which was now going on to a most mischievous extent-he meant joint stock companies not yet formed, and which never might be formed, and where, before their formation takes place, the shares of the persons adventuring therein were made the subjects of sale, to the enormous profit and advantage of those who set such companies afloat. It was his intention humbly to ask their lordships to consent to a bill to check that sort of proceeding.

The usual sessional orders were agreed to, after which the house adjourned at nine o'clock.

House of Commons, Feb. 3.-The Speaker came to the house about half-past two o'clock, and was accompanied by about thirty members.

Soon after the usher of the black rod appeared, and summoned the house to the house of peers, to hear the commission for opening parliament read. In about half an hour he returned, and the house was then adjourned for a short time. At a little before four o'clock, the Speaker resumed the chair.

On the motion of Mr. Canning, the bill for preventing clandestine outlawries was brought in, and read a first and second time.

The Speaker having read the speech of the commissioners for opening the session,

Lord F. L. Leveson Gower rose to move an address of thanks for the gracious speech which the house had just heard. He began by observing, that there were periods in the career of every country, when the national prosperity was raised so high, or depressed so low, that only one general sensation respecting it pervaded every class of the community; when feelings not to be removed by argument possessed every bosom; and when even the uninitiated, as well as those who had the means of the highest information, held the same opinion as to the condition in which the country was placed. It was one of those periods in which he had now the honour of addressing the house; and placing himself as one of the uninitiated he had just mentioned, he viewed the situation of the country in that light, that he thought he could anticipate the general concurrence of the house in the sentiments contained in his Majesty's speech, with respect to its prosperity. A few ill-disposed persons might, perhaps, still walk the land, but they walked it despised or unnoticed; the spark might still exist, but the fuel was wanted on which that spark could fall. In turning his view from England to the condition of other portions of the United Kingdom, he saw, in their geographical difference, nothing to alter his opinion of the general prosperity. If he looked to Wales, to Scotland, and he was happy to

add,

add, to Ireland, the prospect was still cheering. With respect to the latter country, that prospect was every day becoming better. The house had for some time been listening to descriptions of the evils which afflicted that country; but these had now, for the greater part, disappeared. British enterprise was entering Ireland. British capital was insinuating its salutary juices into the veins of that country, with a prospect held out of its producing the most salutary results; and there was now a hope, that the tide of affluence, which had been so long flowing upon Great Britain, would at last set towards Ireland. He had as yet avoided every topic upon which any difference of opinion could exist in the house; but there were subjects on which he did not feel himself at liberty to be silent: and however disagreeable to others it might be to touch on such matters, he could assure them it was not very pleasing to himself. If there were any gentlemen who thought that the evils which affected Ireland could be remedied by the proceedings of the Catholic Association, he could not hope to convince them to the contrary by any language that he could use; but as a friend to the question of catholic emancipation (which some persons now looked upon as the panacea for all Irish evils), he felt bound to say a word upon it. He had paid some attention to the proceedings of that body. He could not say that he felt a contempt for them, though he believed the extent of their power was greatly exaggerated; but looking at the nature of those proceedings, and feeling anxious

for the success of the general measure to which they referred, he had the most ardent desire for its annihilation. No man who looked at the conduct of the principal members of that body, would be disposed to envy them the station they had acquired in public opinion. Perhaps one might grudge the gentlemen the graceful diction and fertility of imagination by which they were distinguished; but the evils which they were likely to produce to the country would be ill compensated by speeches of flowing eloquence and rounded periods. The acerbity of public feeling, which must be generated by such orations from either party, was obvious; and that would be increased by either party continuing to act as an organized body. As a friend to Ireland, he did hope that the violence of the Catholic Association on the one side, and the ravings of Orange insanity on the other, would no longer be allowed to continue as obstacles to the tranquillity of that country. Their effects were already too much felt by many in Ireland. Some persons were disposed to seize every phantom which presented itself to their minds, and exaggerate it to the highest state of disorder; and though they admitted that some rents were paid, and that some gentlemen could lie down at night with the hope of rising in the morning without injury, they still would have it believed that Ireland was in the highest state of insubordination and disorder. He, however, was far from thinking that any such danger existed. He could state that any information received by his Majesty's ministers on the subject would not

lead

lead to that conclusion. It was, however, said, that the army was increased, and that was, amongst other things, alleged as a proof of the disturbed state of Ireland. This conclusion was, however, as erroneous as the former. The mention of the intended increase of the military force of the country brought him to another part of his Majesty's speech. He had in the outset made himself the organ of congratulation to the house on the general tranquillity and prosperity of the country: but it was well understood, that even while the great trunk of the empire continued in a flourishing and healthy state, some branches at its extremity might be in a very different condition. In India, a considerable body of our regular troops had been called into active operation, by the invasion of a barbarous force, which it was found necessary to repress. This happened at a time when arrangements were made to change the station of several regiments, so that it was of importance that their places should be speedily supplied. In looking at this increase, however, it was consolatory to think that it would not add to the burdens of the country, as India would pay her own defenders. But, independently of the circumstances which had occurred in India, a view of our situation with respect to several parts of Europe would show that the addition to our military force was not uncalled for. A war was raging in the vicinity of the Mediterranean, which, without imitating other states by supporting large standing armies, would justify us in keeping up a greater force in our possessions on that sea than would be barely

sufficient to supply the garrison at Gibraltar, or to mount guard at Malta or Corfu. The necessity of keeping up a force at Canada might also be considered as a ground for this increase in our armed force. In the days of our national distress, his Majesty's ministers had felt the necessity of paring down the expenses of the country to the lowest scale by which the public service could be supported; but now that the country was in a condition to bear the additional expense, and that the situation of several parts of the empire required the increase in our military force, it could not be fairly opposed. He had, he thought, shown its necessity on local, but it might also be apparent on general grounds. That in the intended addition to the armed force of the kingdom, his Majesty did not anticipate any interruption of the amicable relations which subsisted between him and the other European powers, must be so plain, that he who ran might read; but still that increase was rendered necessary by the altered state of Europe at present, from what it was not very long ago. He must, indeed, be a bold politician who would attempt to predict the result of the present state of affairs; but as that could not be with any certainty foreseen, it would be imprudent to be altogether unprepared for some of its possible consequences. The house would learn with pleasure, that England had concluded her mediation between Russia and Turkey, and that successfully, and to the satisfaction of both parties. They would also hear, with gratification, of the steps which were in progress for the more effectual suppression of the slave-trade,

He