Had the hon. and learned gentleman forgotten how ministers were then goaded to bring forward some measure to stifle the restless spirit which was then said to prevail ? Had he forgotten the answer then given, that they (the ministers) thought it better to wait until it should die away of itself; and at all events they declined calling upon the house for any extraordinary expedient until the effect of patience should be fairly tried? The mode of treating this subject taken by the hon. and learned member, was singular. To prove that the existence of the Catholic Association was admissible, he ought to have shown that they were a body perfectly harmless-a meeting of a few zealous individuals, who did not in any manner profess to represent the whole people of Ireland-who had no design of assuming the character of a government. But, on the contrary, the hon. and learned gentleman exaggerated even beyond their own most gross and exaggerated account. He told the house that the Catholic Associations were the government of the country. "You are indebted," said he, "to the Catholic Associations for the peace and tranquillity of Ireland." He remembered correctly the extent of his own prophecies with respect to the fate of Ireland. He forgot entirely, or else he overlooked, the administration of the last three years. He left out of view the eminent merits and services of the Marquis Wellesley in retrieving by the firm and equal justice of his government the respect and authority due to the laws. The steps taken by that great man to secure the enjoyment equally for

catholics and protestants of the sunshine of government and the favours of the crown, were nothing. It was to nothing of all this that the comparative tranquillity of Ireland was attributable. No; her repose was the work of the Catholic Association! Most earnestly was it to be wished that the current of that wise and benevolent administration had been suffered to pursue its course unimpeded, and to have flowed through the land unmixed with any of these waters of bitterness.

"Doris amara suam non intermisceat undam."

Whatever disappointment awaited the greater measure of emancipation, must be ascribed to that body. It was well for the catholics that they had no more consideration in the public mind. He as much confided in the eventual carrying of that measure, as he was convinced of the certainty that it would be opposed, if now brought forward, by this whole country as by one man. It seemed that the Catholic Association was the cause of the peace which prevailed. By what charm had they brought about this object. From whence did they obtain their magical elements of concord? From the pit of Acheron! Their combination was cemented by an adjuration of horror and loathing-"Be peaceable by the hatred which you bear the Orangemen!" This was the charm by which they worked, and these the means by which they proposed to extract peace out of hatred. Good God! was it for reasoning men deliberately to put such a bond of union into writing, and when called upon to explain themselves, deliberately to affirm the

deed?

deed? To inculcate peace among themselves, through their steadfast hatred of their fellow-subjects? Could this be catholicism? He trusted that it was not sure he was that it was not christianity. He protested against any measure which might be brought down to keep the proceedings of that body within the proper limits of the laws and the constitution, from being treated as a measure directed against the catholic people of Ireland, or as any device to throw impediments in the way of discussing that question. Did the hon. and learned gentleman know-did the Catholic Association knowso little of the English people, as to suppose that menace and intimidation could avail them? Could they really suppose that these would be as arms in the hands of their advocates? Did they not feel that every sentence of that nature must operate as an injunction to their advocates to hold their peace, till the impression of that violence could be effaced from the minds of the English people? Let no one consider him, therefore, as opposing the cause of the catholic claims. He did them good in every thing which he did, to rid them of that incubus which rode them. He made their cause look better by removing all that was unsightly and unbecoming, and advanced it in the estimation of every man who hated to be bullied; he acted according to the feelings of all mankind who possessed a sense of honour and independence. He wished to separate the Catholic Association and the catholic question,-the hon. and learned gentleman wished to confound them. There were parts of the speech of the hon. and

He

learned gentleman, which, from being addressed to himself so personally, placed him in a difficult situation, inasmuch as he must either pass by that which obviously meant to apply to him, from affected indifference, or he must detain the house with explanations which referred chiefly to his own conduct. The hon. and learned gentleman had, almost in so many words, asked him-" Why do not you, who have felt your power in carrying a particular question against the views of an opposing minister, adhere to the same means' (probably alluding to a supposed alternative of resigning office), "and insist upon carrying that (the catholic) question?" objected to both premises and conclusion. Suppose the premises true, did the hon. and learned gentleman see no difference between the South American and the catholic question? "What had a minister to fear," asked the hon. and learned gentleman, "with this house, these benches, the country, all England at his back?" To which he would propose another question, "What would a minister do with only these benches, and with no England at his back?" His answer to the proposal of the hon. and learned gentleman was, that he must reserve to himself the right of judging how, when, and at what period, and in what manner to give up either his office or his life in support of that or any other cause; he would not consent to have the opportunity chosen for him, especially by one who might happen to have some collateral interests in giving his advice. One assumption of the hon. and learned gentleman's he must positively deny. He assumed

the

the notion of a cabinet divided into two parties, and that a certain member of it who was opposed to him upon the catholic question, was also opposed to him on that of South America: he was entirely mistaken. He (Mr. Canning) assured him (Mr. Brougham) that the line which was frequently drawn between the supposed liberals and illiberals of the cabinet council, was by no means a straight, but a serpentine line. As it regarded the catholic question, it was nearly straight and direct; but wherever habit did not arbitrarily prevail, or personal honour was not pledged, the members brought their minds to the discussion totally disengaged. The project of breaking it up, and forming a completely new one from the different branches of that house, would be found not quite so easy in practice. No doubt a competent ministry might be selected from the benches opposite; but if the hon. and learned gentleman could have the satisfaction of ousting him, he would not, in all probability, have the satisfaction of succeeding him. All he desired, either of him or the house, was, to consider rightly the terms which were objected to in the address. The King stated in the speech, that associations existed in Ireland which had adopted proceedings not reconcileable with the laws and the constitution. As those proceedings tended to public mischief, it was recommended to parliament to consider of an adequate remedy. The house of commons replied by promising that it would do so. What less could the house of commons do, unless they took the description given by the hon. and learned gentleman of the Catholic Association, as a body

possessing the whole authority in Ireland, enjoying undivided allegiance, exercising all the powers of government, issuing the only commands which were effectually obeyed, and levying revenues? Unless they were prepared to say that a power thus formidable ought to exist-that it had a right to sit beside the government, or to tower above it, they could not refuse their assurance to the crown, that they would take an early opportunity of considering the means of putting down so enormous an evil. Nothing less could be proposed in reply to the speech, unless they were prepared to say that the Catholic Association ought to exist in this unlimited authority and plenitude of power. The hon. and learned gentleman seemed to treat lightly all those measures which the prevalence of a liberal policy had adopted for the advantage of the silk and other trades, and the steps taken towards the recognition of the new states. The hon. and learned gentleman was not an unfrequent speaker in that house, and when he did favour them, he was not generally remarkable for being concise; and having, in common parlance, in the course of his parliamentary life, proposed and supported almost every species and degree of innovation which could be practised towards settled government, it was not very easy for ministers to do any thing in the affair of South America, without borrowing, or seeming to borrow, something from the honourable and learned gentleman. Their views might be shut up-by circumstances which they must consult, though he need not-like as among ice in a northern winter. In time the thawing proceeds, so that they

were

were able to come out. But break away in what direction they would, whether they took to the left or right, it was all alike. "Oho!" said the hon. and learned gentleman, "I was there before you you could not have thought of that, now, if I had not given you a hint." In the reign of Queen Anne, there was a sage and grave critic of the name of Dennis, who got it into his head that he wrote all the good plays that were acted at that time. At last a tragedy came forth with a most imposing storm of hail and thunder. At the first peal, "That's my thunder," said Dennis. So, with the hon. gentleman, there was no noise or stir for the good of mankind in any part of the globe, but he instantly claimed it for his thunder. One thing he had, however, kindly thrown overboard, which was to be divided between government and his hon. and learned friend, the member for Knaresborough, and that was, the subject of South America. He wished to hear from the member for Knaresborough to what degree he claimed South America for his thunder.

The

hon. and learned gentleman was very cautious in his praise. Much had been done to which he could not object; but then, for fear that they should feel too proud, he suggested that things might have been better, especially as to time. Now if he piqued himself upon any thing in the South American negociations, it was upon the subject of time. As to the propriety of admitting states which had successfully shaken off their dependence on the mother country, to the rights of nations, there could be no dispute. There were two ways of proceeding where the case

was more questionable-recklessly and with a hurried course to the object, which might be soon reached and almost as soon lost-or by another course, so strictly guarded, that no principle was violated, and no strict offence given to other powers.

The three states with which the British government had to deal, were, Buenos Ayres, Colombia, and Mexico. He flattered himself that he could satisfy the house, that no earlier could either of them have been recognized. As to Buenos Ayres, it was undoubtedly true that the Spanish forces were sent away many years since. Long ago the contest with the mother country had ceased. But his hon. and learned friend knew well that Buenos Ayres comprised 13 or 14 small and separate states, which were not till very lately collected into any federal union. Would it not have been an absurdity to have treated with a power which was incapable of answering for the conduct of the communities of which it was composed? So soon as it was known that a consolidation had taken place, the treaty with Buenos Ayres was signed. Next as to Colombia. As late as 1822, the last of the Spanish forces were sent away from Porto Cabello, which was, up till that time, held for the King of Spain. It was only since that time that Colombia would have been admitted as a state of separate existence. Some time after that, however, Colombia chose to risk her whole force and a great part of her treasure in a distant war with Spain in Peru. Had that enterprise proved disastrous, the expedition would have returned with the royal troops to re-establish the royal authority.

The

The danger was now at an end. The case of Mexico was still more striking. Not nine months ago, an adventurer who had wielded the sceptre of Mexico left these shores to return thither and resume his abdicated throne. The time for government to act would soon arrive, and in the event anticipated there would be no hesitation in signing that treaty. In neither of these cases could the time of the negociation have been anticipated even by a few weeks. Now, with respect to the mode in which this great object was effected, he was bound to say, whatever fault had been found with it, that it was the best and wisest that could have been adopted. His noble friend, who had opened this debate so creditably to himself, and who, he would add, had shown, in his subsequent observations, short as they were, powers to vindicate himself, which proved that he was perfectly able to take a conspicuous part in the deliberations of that assembly, had already touched upon this topic in a very satisfactory manner. Still, however, he felt it necessary to say something on the subject. The hon. and learned gentleman had said, that there was something mean and paltry in negociating a treaty, as the prelude to recognition. He wished the business to have been concluded in a more summary way. He approved of the act itself in the abstract, but he objected to the mode in which it was effected. Now, to go back to a period of British history, which was perfectly well known to all, he would ask, what was the conduct of France with respect to the United States of America? The fact was,

that the ambassadors of the United States were not admitted to the court of France until the signature of a treaty. Such was the mode of recognition in that case; and the treaty was quoted to this country as a confession of that act. But this was not all. France not only acknowledged the independence of the United States before it was recognized by the mother country, but she entered into a treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, with those states; and thus she became the enemy of England, with whom she had previously maintained relations of amity. He wished that those who opposed the course adopted by his Majesty's ministers would speak out; he wished they would state explicitly why they objected to the mode in which the recognition was effected. Did they intend to argue that this measure was imperfect, because it was not accompanied by war? Did they dislike it, because it was not accompanied by military preparation? The task which he (Mr. Canning) had to perform was, to arrive at this object an object in unison with the wishes of the country · without giving just cause of war to France, or any other power. There might be something mean and huxtering in this mode of proceeding, at least so the hon. and learned gentleman seemed to suppose; but if he thought that war was not to be had, with some little dexterity, he was exceedingly mistaken. War (continued Mr. Canning, with very emphatic gesticulation) lay here and here; it was on the right and on the left of our path; our course lay in the middle: we took that course, and arrived

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