He believed that not a single ship load of colonial produce was sent to continental Europe. The reciprocity measure, with respect to America, was also inoperative. He hoped, however, in consequence of the opening of the trade now projected, that foreign powers would take their commodities to the West Indies, and exchange them there for the produce of the colonies. If this were once the case, he was sure it would rouse the energy of British merchants, who would not allow foreign merchants to keep the whole of the colonial trade with Europe to themselves. Neither did he think that the merchants of the United States would exclude themselves from those ports when they saw foreigners carrying on a beneficial trade. When those heavy charges to which his right hon. friend had alluded were removed-when the colonies were freed from such burdens, they would, he conceived, find a vent for that surplus produce, the accumulation of which had overwhelmed them. The plan, however, though good in principle, was limited. It was of necessity bounded by the principle of reciprocity. That principle of course confined it to those countries that would be disposed to adopt an equally liberal policy. Some of the states of Europe might, therefore, be excluded. They might be unwilling to alter their present colonial system. A very good commercial treaty had been negociated, for instance, with Denmark but at the foot of it was placed an intimation, that it did not extend to the colonial trade of that country. His right hon. friend's scheme was also connected with certain protecting du

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ties. What the effect of them would be he could not say, but that must depend on their correct application to particular articles. After the experience this country had had of the effect produced by protecting duties, with reference to the produce of Canada, and in checking the intercourse with the United States of America, he trusted his right hon. friend would not be altogether so sanguine in the success of the present measure. He should be sorry to say any thing ungracious on this occasion; he would not make any objections to the alteration proposed by his right hon. friend, which was unobjectionable in principle, and which, he was sure, was intended to do good. He would much rather look at the other side of the picture. With respect to the West India islands, their geographical situation adapted them peculiarly for a convenient entrepôt for all our manufactures. Vessels often proceeded to those islands from England almost in ballast, which, under the new system, need no longer be the case. Commerce, it was well known, would attract around it every species of industry; and this beneficial alteration in the colonial code might be the means of creating a white population, and of extending cultivation to many other articles besides those now produced in the West Indies. The tranquillity and prosperity of the colonies would thus be secured; and he certainly felt, that in no other way could they so successfully accelerate the change in the slave population which that house had delegated to the government the task of carrying into effect, as by giving a fresh impulse and energy

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to commerce and cultivation in the colonies. His right hon. friend's paternal affection for this measure could not inspire him with greater anxiety for its success, than was felt by him (Mr. Ellis); and he hoped the name of his right hon. friend would hereafter be connected with a new and favourable era in the history of these colonies.

Mr. Baring said, he could not suffer so important a subject to pass without expressing his gratification at almost every thing that had been stated by the right hon. gent. He thought the measure he proposed would be productive of great good, as well to the colonies as to the mother country. There was always this advantage in broad and liberal views of commerce-that they tended to serve all the parties concerned. There were portions of the statement of the right hon. gent. which could not be exactly understood, until gentlemen saw the resolutions and the bills that would be founded on them. What he did see, and what he highly approved of, was, the general spirit of liberality that pervaded the whole system. He conceived that, from its adoption, the colonies would derive great benefit. It was at length found, that no nation could gain by keeping down and impoverishing her colonies. It was by making them prosperous and wealthy, that the interest of the parent state was sure to be supported. With respect to the North American colonies, this measure might be called an act of emancipation; for it did emancipate them for every good and beneficial purpose. Whatever remained peculiar in their situation, would be

privileges, and not restrictions. It was impossible that colonies, which were growing more important every day, could exist under the present system of things. If there were no other inducement, the principle of self-preservation called on them to extend the very limited system which now prevailed; and he thought that nothing could effect this desirable object more completely, than the measures of the right hon. gent. It was doing an act of justice, of sound policy, and, he would add, an act strictly conformable with the commercial interests of the country. Some of these measures might, perhaps, find opponents. The question of corn would excite the country gentlemen; any privilege extended to colonial shipping would alarm the ship-owners here; and the same thing might be said of the manufacturing and other interests. But, looking at the proposition as a whole, viewing it with that liberal feeling which it deserved, he was quite sure, that the more it was considered, the more satisfaction it would give. He was one of those who would not willingly injure the West India interest; but he thought that, when the hon. gent. (Mr. Ellis) expressed a belief that the introduction of sugar from the Mauritius would do mischief to the West India planters, he was in error. He saw no reason for excluding the Mauritius from the operation of the right hon. gentleman's system. It was a colony belonging to this country; the cultivation of sugar was carried on as it was in the West Indies, and the cultivators at the Mauritius had a right to claim the boon on the same grounds that

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it was extended to other colonies. Besides, the sugar raised there was inconsiderable in quantity. He was extremely anxious to see the further development of the right hon. gentleman's plan with respect to the proposed alterations as to the European part of the system, and particularly that which related to the importation of corn. He did not wish to see the protection which it had been found necessary to afford to the agritural interests reduced below that which they had enjoyed before the present restrictive measures were adopted; although it must ever be a matter of regret to all persons who were well acquainted with the subject, that any such protection had been granted. Still he should be sorry to take away, on any principles of political economy, however he might be convinced of their soundness, that protection which had now been so long enjoyed, and had grown to be so much a part of the system, that the persons interested in it would have a fair right to claim its continuance. In the alteration which had been announced by the right hon. gent., it was not, he apprehended, at all probable that any large quantity of corn could be imported into this country from Canada. The great distance which intervened, the charges of freight, and other losses which must necessarily attach to that importation, would, together with the duty of five shillings, which it was proposed to continue, be sufficient to prevent the influx of Canadian corn to any extent that could injure the English agriculturist. But it would be necessary-and he threw out this suggestion for the consideration of the right hon.

gentleman-to provide against the possibility of any large masses of corn coming from other parts of the American continent, through Canada. The river St. Lawrence, which, in its which, in its extent and its branches, comprehended the greatest extent of inland navigation perhaps in the whole world, extended to New York on one side, and, by means of the communication which was now about making, to the Mississippi on the other. Facilities would thus be afforded for evading the spirit of the right hon. gentleman's proposed regulation, while its letter would be complied with. There was another point connected with this part of the subject, on which he wished for some information from the right hon. gentleman. He was desirous of knowing whether it was his intention to propose any regulation respecting an union between Upper and Lower Canada, or otherwise to equalize the duties of those two provinces. From their natural situation, all the import and export trade must be carried on through Lower Canada: the people of Upper Canada were therefore at their mercy, and must pay any duty which they chose to put upon the importation of goods. A measure had been proposed last year, but it was afterwards given up. He agreed with the reasons for which that proceeding had been adopted, because he thought it would at least be highly indiscreet to take so important a measure without communication with the districts for which it was to legislate. It was, however, desirable, and in consequence of the proposed arrangement it became more so than ever, that some regulations should be made

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as to the share of revenue which was to be received by each of those districts, or they should be united. He was sure this would not escape the attention of the right hon. gentleman. He rejoiced in the opportunity he had had of expressing the satisfaction he experienced from the details of the right hon. gentleman's plans, which he had no doubt would be as beneficial to the country as they were in themselves enlightened and liberal.

Dr. Lushington was perfectly ready to agree that very great advantages were likely to result from the measures which had been proposed by the house, as well to the colonies as to the mother country. Now, however, that the restrictions which had been found to be injurious and unjust were to be taken off, and the Mauritius was to be placed on a footing with the now favoured West India islands, he would ask upon what principle it was to be contended, that the same advantages should not also be enjoyed by the East Indies? There could be no reason why they should not enjoy, in their fullest extent, all the benefits which were to be derived from the liberal system which the government, it seemed, had now resolved to adopt. He said this, not, as it might be pretended, from a wicked intent to reduce the West Indies, but upon the obvious and undoubted principles of political economy. What, he asked, could be more just than that the industrious and valuable population of the East Indies should be put into possession of the same liberty as was enjoyed by all the other colonies of Great Britain? When he and those who

thought with him on this subject expressed in that house their desire to alleviate the wretched condition of the slaves in the West Indies, it was said that the measures which they proposed would have the effect of increasing the distress which was already too burdensome upon the proprietors of this country. He was, however, inclined to believe that the distress of those proprietors was chiefly to be attributed to their residence in this country; and that the misery of their slaves was another consequence of the same cause. These absentees cultivated their West Indian estates by means of agents, whom they bribed with large salaries to manage their property. The agents were actuated solely by the desire to procure large crops for the immediate benefit of the proprietor, without any regard to the ultimate condition of the estate. The difference between the condition of slaves on the estates of resident proprietors, and those who were under the control of their agents, was a sufficient proof of the truth of this statement. There was one point of view in which the consequence of the proposed measure had not, perhaps, been sufficiently considered. In the event of a war at any future time, the vessels of neutrals would be allowed to carry freights between the colonies and the mother country. This appeared to him to be a great blessing. In the first place, it would alleviate the miseries of war; and in the next, it would remove the imputation so commonly cast upon England by America and other nations, of being actuated by a desire to keep to herself the exclusive benefit of conveying

conveying merchandise. The main intention of the measure, however, if he comprehended it rightly, was to ensure a valuable monopoly to the West Indies, and to admit all sugars upon paying a duty of 27s. per cwt. from all colonies having a slave population. The Mauritius, the only colony in which the detestable traffic in slaves had been continued he said this to the credit of the West India islandswas to be included. Now that there should be any distinction made between these colonies and the East Indies, he held to be rank injustice. Whenever any attempt was made to improve the condition of the unfortunate beings who formed the population of the former colonies, it was invariably opposed by those gentlemen in the house who were connected with the West Indies, and who did not scruple to assign motives to those by whom such attempts were made, which, to say the least of them, were wholly unfounded. ("Hear, hear," from Mr. Gordon.) His hon. friend, who so loudly cried "hear," on a former occasion when this subject had been brought before the house, got up with so much vehemence, that he seemed ready to devour all who were near him. He did this, because, being himself a large West India proprietor, he could not endure to hear any thing which even seemed to interfere with the state of things in the colonies, and to alleviate the sufferings of the slave population. He could not help doubting the judgment, although he could not suspect the heart of his hon. friend (nor that of any other hon. gent.) when he found him opposing a measure which was calcu

lated to do away with an immense mass of evil which disgraced our West India colonies. For his own part, and for those who thought with him on this subject, he repudiated with disgust and indignation the imputation that they were actuated by any feeling of hostility towards the West India proprietors. On the contrary, he thought they were entitled to the benefit which was about to be conferred upon them, and he hoped it would be as useful and as advantageous to them as it was expected to be. Notwithstanding the contumely with which they had treated the British parliament, he hoped that the spirit of animosity by which they seemed to be influenced would subside--that they would listen with a patient ear to the admonitions of the legislature, and not drive it to the adoption of those measures which were called for upon every principle of justice.

Mr. Gordon rose for the purpose of replying to the observations of the honourable and learned gentleman - observations which the usage of parliament hardly justified him in using towards him. He did not know to what particular occasion the honourable and learned gentleman alluded, but in his own name and in that of all the other West India proprietors in that house, he threw back the assertion that they had endeavoured, by their influence in parliament, or elsewhere, to interpose any obstacle to the amelioration of the condition of the slave population of the colonies. It was very easy for a person like the honourable and learned gentleman, who was in the constant habit of addressing public assem