raw materials, which would benefit the public considerably. But there was a want of attention with respect to articles in which this country could not compete with others. On leather and on shipping, he conceived every thing like a duty should be removed. He would remove, or greatly reduce, the duty on hemp and timber. He was sorry to see the duties kept up on what might be termed "minor luxuries." A number of things which were considered comforts by the great body of the people, were still subjected to a heavy impost. Of this description were currants, raisins, apples, grapes, &c. Indeed, in some particulars, it would seem as if the schedule had been drawn up to annoy the people. The poor were in many instances affected by it. Bacon, butter, beef and pork, were marked down at a certain rate of duty. He had hoped, as new circumstances had arisen, as new principles had been promulgated, in consequence of the labours of Mr. Ricardo and others, that this part of the subject, which was connected with a rise in the price of food, and a consequent rise in the rate of wages, would be treated in a more liberal manner. Nothing was so impolitic as to lay heavy duties on the necessaries of life. Looking to this schedule, with the exception of one or two articles, he found all the rest defended by protecting duties. Those duties had, he thought, an extremely injurious effect, and ought in consequence to be taken off. If they were, the five evils which the right hon. gentleman had adverted to would no longer exist. A bill had been introduced for the pre

vention of smuggling. What was the reason of the alteration which that bill proposed? There would be no necessity for any legislation on the subject, but for this schedule. Why should they pass a bill with such clauses? One of the clauses contained in it was just as bad as the Irish insurrection act. He alluded to that which related to lurking, after sun-set, near the sea-shore. For this offence, a man might be taken into custody- than which nothing could be more oppressive. If this schedule were put on a proper footing, there would be no necessity for any provision of this kind, since there would be little temptation for smuggling. To the clause he had referred to, he felt the strongest objection, because it was incompatible with the liberty of the subject. He should make no further observations on the plan of the hon. gentleman; but he hoped he would, as fast as possible, proceed with the repeal of those laws which fettered the commerce of the country.

Mr. Maberly was of opinion that the hon. baronet had not treated the plan of the right hon. gentleman fairly. He had argued it on principle, instead of looking to the expediency which must be connected with the proposed alterations. In another respect, too, he had not met the question fairly, as he had throughout rather argued on the schedule, as a schedule of revenue. If the hon. baronet had attended to the opening speech of the right hon. gentleman, he would have seen clearly what his object was. He came forward to relieve the commerce of the country, and he divided the subject into two parts. In the

first place, his proposition respected the colonial interest: and his second proposition had reference to the expediency of revising the scale of duties on manufactures, &c. and of relaxing those prohibitory, or, as they were called, protecting duties. Of course the right hon. gentleman could not immediately say what amount of relaxation should ultimately be extended to each manufacture. That would take up more than one, two, or three years. The right hon. gentleman had submitted his plan in March last; and now, three months afterwards, having, in the mean time, given the question every consideration in his power, he stated to the house what he conceived to be at present a fair relaxation. The hon. baronet approved generally of what had been done, but he had an exception. When he came to Irish linen, he regretted the protecting duty of 25 per cent. while cotton was protected in a trifling degree. It was entirely a question of expediency as to the time when, and the extent to which, those different duties should be reduced. The hon. baronet observed, that no reduction had been made beyond 30 per cent.; whereas, if he examined the table, he would find that duties, amounting to 120, and

even

180 per cent. had been greatly reduced. The right hon. gentleman had deviated from his original plan in two or three instances. Linen was one of them; but he here only deviated with respect to time. In glass, paper, and barilla, some alteration had been made. But was it possible that the right hon. gentleman could go through the whole trade of this great commercial country, and

decide at once what should be done? When the whole interest of the country was at stake, ought he not to act with caution? And yet, after all, he had deviated in a very trifling degree. No man could have had more to struggle with than the right hon. gentleman in the course of this proceeding, and no man could be more entitled to the thanks of the country for the manner in which he met the interests of different parties, or for the soundness of the views he promulgated on this important subject. No alteration had been made with respect to silks, cottons, and woollens; but linen was to be protected by a duty of 25 per cent.

Now,

But when the hon. baronet noticed this part of the subject, he should state what the present protecting duty was. It was 100 per cent. and that was to be reduced gradually to 25 per cent. in removing this protection, what course had the right hon. gentleman taken? He saw that the manufacture involved the interests of many parties, and therefore he found it expedient to relax the protecting duty by degrees, and eight years was given for that purpose. The right hon. gentleman had placed but a small protecting duty on the cotton manufacture, in consequence of the extensive use of machinery in that trade. That, however, was not the case with the linen trade. But it was hoped, that, in seven or eight years, by the introduction of machinery, this fabric might be manufactured 30 or 40 per cent. cheaper than at present, and therefore this course had been taken. Time ought to be given for this plan to be carried into effect, especially as the application of ma

NN 2

chinery

chinery to spinning flax must, of necessity, be much more slow than its application to the spinning of cotton. It was considered, by competent judges, that, when the plan was matured, the linen manufactured by the aid of machinery would be 60 or 70 per cent. better than that manufactured in the ordinary way. The hon. gentleman concluded by pronouncing an eulogium on the board of trade. The right hon. gent. who presided over that important department, and whose labours were gratuitous, ought, he conceived, to be liberally rewarded for the performance of his duties in that office, and not, as at present, derive his salary from another and a subordinate situation (treasurer of the navy), where his duty was scarcely more than that of a paymaster. He trusted the chancellor of the exchequer would take the case of his hon. colleague into serious consideration.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said he had not overlooked the subjects alluded to by the hon. member for Newcastle, but the great and numerous difficulties which stood in the way had prevented him from doing as much as he had contemplated. A great reduction had, however, been effected that on coals carried coastwise had been reduced to 3s. per chaldron, and to 1s. per chaldron on coals of particular dimensions. He had been told that this latter sort of coal, being unable to bear the duty, was consumed at the pit's mouth, and in fact almost wasted. He was induced on this account, and because he thought it might be made very useful in manufactories, and as fuel for the poor classes of the people, to

think the duty should be reduced. He had communicated generally on the subject of coals with several persons of science, and among others with professor Buckland, who united in recommending the alteration he had adopted. He flattered himself with the hope of carrying the same principle still farther, but he could not do so until the result of the present experiment had been ascertained. He was afraid of having too many irons in the fire, lest he should not be able to get some of them out. If parliament should hold its hand for the present, he was sure they would do ten thousand times more good than by following the precipitate course which some hon. gentlemen recommended. He wa quite aware that these minute details required all the vigilance of the house. He trusted that the day would soon arrive when no article in the schedule would stand at too high a duty for the commercial interests of the country. That would, however, take some time to perfect. In the mean time he must say, he thought his right hon. friend (Mr. Huskisson) had done as much as could be expected from him in one session.

was

The clauses were agreed to, the house resumed, and the report was ordered to be brought up to-morrow. The house adjourned at three o'clock.

House of Commons, June 20.Lord Nugent presented a petition from the resident burgesses and others of West-Looe, upon a subject highly important to the house as well as the petitioners. The latter prayed an inquiry into the right of voting in the borough, and complained of infringement on the franchises as established by

usage

usage immemorial. Usage of this character need not, as he understood, he proved to have been unbroken: it would be enough to show that it had existed, however frequently broken. These petitioners undertook to prove unbroken usage, shown by deed, custom, charters frequently confirmed, and many other documents. He believed that he was right in saying, that unless the charter conveyed the contrary, the common law right of voting was in every householder. Such was the opinion expressed in the time of James I. by Serjeant Glanville, whose opinion was supported by Lord Coke and all the great authorities of the time. They decided in election committee that the crown itself could put no limit where the charter expressed none. This petition was not for parliamentary reform. They asked no new rights. They only asked for restitution of old rights. After looking with much attention into the petition, he was the more encouraged in calling the attention of the house to it, because he need not waste the time by causing the clerk to read it, having qualified himself to point out the most material passages in it. His lordship proceeded to state the contents of the petition. It made out three things first, that the charter gave the right of voting to the resident householders; secondly, that the records proved the returns to have been made by them for a long period, under the titles of burgesses or resiant burgesses, or probi homines or communitas, or some name which, taken with the numbers, showed that there was no difference between the resident burgesses and

The third.

were not

the free burgesses. proposition which they had to make out was, that the right had been abridged by collusion and injustice, and finally altogether usurped by the non-resident burgesses, whose votes admissible by the charter. At this advanced period of the session, he would make no motion upon the petition. He had several petitions of the same nature to bring up, and early in the next session he proposed to bring the whole question forward in a manner suitable to the importance of the occasion.

Mr. D. Gilbert said that he would not trouble the house at much length: but of all tribunals this house seemed to him to be the worst to try such a question. The courts of law were open, and a proceeding was to be brought to a hearing in the court of king's bench to-morrow, on the matters recited in this very petition.

not

Lord J. Russell would contend that, although many boroughs had succeeded in depriving the resident householders of their votes, it would very materially benefit the general right of voting to restore the usurped franchises : but certainly there were no sufficient facilities given to the elective bodies so disfranchised to recover their rights. For instance, a committee under the Grenville act decided between the returned and the disappointed candidate : but there was no redress given by these committees to the elective body; on the contrary, though the committee in this very case had decided for the elective body against the usurpation of the franchises, yet the petitioners were put to an expense of 1,500l. for

one