would now be a more serious matter than it was 20 years ago; for since that period the people had become richer and better educated. He was satisfied that if the system of coercion should be persisted in, parliament could not stop with a bill for putting down what were called illegal assemblies, but must pass a perpetual insurrection act, and maintain an army of 100,000 men in Ireland; and after all, that would be insufficient. The people of Ireland at the present moment were full of hope; and it behoved the parliament and the people of this country to take care that it be not disappointed. Mr. W. Williams remarked, that of all those who spoke in favour of the Catholic Association, not one went the length of completely justifying it. For his part, he looked upon that body as being most inimical to the interests of Ireland. He conceived that the putting down of the association would be most beneficial to Ireland. Mr. R. Martin would not give his assent to the bill, because he foresaw that it would fail in its operation. At the same time, however, he did not approve of the conduct of the Catholic Association in many particulars. Mr. Warre believed that the diseases under which Ireland laboured, required a remedy very different from that proposed by the present bill. Let the Catholic Association be put down, as it might in name,-in spirit, not a week could elapse before it would be renewed. Mr. C. W. Wynn supported the bill, not because it put down the Catholic Association, for he would make no difference between catho lics and protestants, but because it put down associations generally. Mr. Calcraft opposed the bill, and thought the Catholic Association had as good a right to raise funds as the Bible and methodist societies. Mr. Plunkett delivered his sentiments in a speech of very considerable length; he was confident of the absolute necessity of putting down the association, that the association itself would not soon be able to allay the storm it was raising. Mr. Tierney opposed the bill. After which the debate was adjourned, at a quarter before two o'clock, to Monday next. House of Commons, Feb. 14.--The house resolved into a committee of supply. Sir George Clerk stated several reasons which had operated to swell the estimates of this year beyond those of the last. A small addition of force was required in consequence of the rapid increase of our foreign commerce. This want was especially felt in the South American seas-not only to repress the pirates at Cuba, but to protect the interests of British merchandise in the neighbourhood of the infant states, whose rights being but recently recognized, might still become subjects of conflict. Another increase of expense had been created by the advance in the price of commodities used in the service, especially the article of iron, which had more than doubled since the parliament met. But the chief additional expense had been incurred in consequence of some wholesome and beneficial alterations in the victualling system. The banyan-days were abolished. It was felt that the the quantity of ardent spirits allowed was inimical to the wellbeing of the navy. Many experienced officers attributed the offences which usually led to the exercise of the rigour of the discipline to the second allowance of grog. A saving was effected on this article, which was given to the men for pocket-money, paid monthly on the stations, wherever they might be, at 2s. per month, to petty officers and seamen. The commissioned officers took no additional allowance for the reduction. The men were also served with tea. Provisions had risen with all other commodities. Under these circumstances, the expenses would amount to about 421. per man. He then moved that the services of 29,000 men, including 9,000 marines, be granted. stations found the greatest advantages from it. It was hailed with three cheers by the crews of many of the ships on receiving the information. It seemed to be a theme of great and universal delight throughout the service. His gallant friend had made a mistake. The tea was not given instead of grog, the tea and the grog had nothing to do with each other. The men were paid in pocketmoney all that was taken away in grog, and they had the tea besides. One of the greatest evils of the grog system was, according to the experience of those most capable of judging, the frequency of desertion to which it led, one of the greatest and sorest evils to the service. But nothing deserved. more praise than abolishing the banyan-days. The sailor was enSir J. Yorke wished to hear from titled to a pound of beef per day. some of his gallant friends who had He used to receive, instead of six served, how the new plan worked pounds of beef, two pounds of flour in the navy. He doubted of the and four pounds of pork, and then plan of commuting tea for grog. he was told that he had six pounds What could be expected from that of beef. He now received that herb which was little else than which was properly due to him clover-dust? He feared that the under its right name. No one of objections to serving in the navy common sense who had compared would not be done away among the two systems could scruple a the old seamen by a diminution of moment as to the preference. their grog. At present there was nothing to fear, and he hoped that the time might never arrive when it would be necessary to collect them together in large fleets: but if it should, might they not look back with regret to the ancient system of victualling? He did not say that it would be so, but he wished for explanation. Sir G. Cockburn had great pleasure in giving his gallant friend that explanation. The new system worked surprisingly well. The admirals and commanders on the Sir I. Coffin was surprised that his gallant friend should object to that healthful beverage tea, and nickname it brick-dust,-not brick-dust, but clover-dust. Sir J. Yorke had only asked for explanation, and was satisfied with. that which he had received. Mr. Hume hoped that the system would receive further ameliorations until it would be no longer necessary to have recourse to that most intolerable oppression of impressing men for the service. Sir I. Coffin thought that the hon. hon. gentleman could not be serious in expecting to raise men enough for a hot war without impressing some. Sir G. Clerk said that there was no difficulty experienced or in any way apprehended as to raising men, more than would be wanted for the service. The resolution then passed, as did also another resolution, for granting the sum of 923,7501. for wages for the men. The sum of 3,200,000l. was voted for victuals for 29,000 seamen, for the ensuing year. The next vote was for 320,4201. for the wear and tear of his Majesty's ships of war for the same period. The next was a vote of 94,250l. for ordnance for the sea-service. Mr. Goulburn moved the order of the day for resuming the adjourned debate on the question "that leave be given to bring in a bill to amend certain acts relating to unlawful societies in Ireland." The Speaker having put the question, a very lengthened debate followed in which the arguments produced upon both sides very much resembled those of the preceding nights. The question was again adjourned at a quarter before one. House of Commons, Feb. 17.Lord Lowther rose to move for the appointment of a committee to inquire into the management of the turnpike trusts in the vicinity of the metropolis. The object which he had in view was to secure a better management of the funds received for toll on the different turnpike trusts than at present existed. He entertained an opinion, founded on facts which had come to his knowledge, that the turnpike roads in the neighbourhood of London might be kept in a better state than they were at present, if even one-sixth of the money collected at the turnpike gates were expended in a proper manner. There were many circumstances connected with the present system of turnpike trusts which required to be corrected. The house would perhaps hardly believe, that for three roads on the north of London, extending only three miles and a half, there were three acts of parliament, three sets of commissioners, and ten turnpike gates. In a return which had been presented to the house respecting the Stamford Hill trusts, he found a considerable sum charged for annuities. He did not understand what this meant; but upon making inquiries, he ascertained that the trustees had been in the habit of borrowing money from each other, at the rate of ten per cent., to be paid by way of annuity. In Bishopsgate Street, again, a gate was set up, in order to obtain tolls to defray the ordinary expenses of the parish, although there was no more pretence for making that street a turnpike road, than any other street in London. The fact was, that very great abuses existed under the present system; and it invariably happened, that where the largest sums were received for tolls, there the worst management prevailed. It was the common practice for the treasurer, who was usually one of the trustees, to retain large balances in his hand. To show what benefit might be expected to result from such an inquiry as he proposed, he could inform the house, that since the discussion had taken place in that house respecting the Kensington trusts, trusts, the trustees had taken the money out of the hands of the individual who had formerly acted as treasurer, and placed it, in a respectable banking-house, not in any way connected with the trust; in addition to which, they had paid off their debt, and reduced the tolls. It appeared that no less a sum than 22,000l. was collected annually at the gates between Hyde Park-corner and Hounslow. How could that money be fairly expended? He expected to meet with much opposition, but he was sure that the house would do its duty by correcting abuses, if he could prove that they existed. The noble lord concluded by moving, "that a select committee be appointed to inquire into the receipts, expenditure, and management of the several turnpike trusts in the county of Middlesex." Sir E. Knatchbull was of opinion that the noble lord had made out a case which merited the consideration of the house. He would not object to an investigation of the subject, but would oppose any attempt that might be made to throw the turnpike trusts into the hands of government. Mr. H. Sumner concurred with the honourable baronet in thinking that inquiry was necessary, and he hoped those persons who should be proved to have misconducted themselves, would be punished. Mr. Hume was extremely glad to hear the honourable member for Surrey express his assent to the motion. His personal wish had been for a long time to see every turnpike within three miles of the bridges removed; and he believed that, by a very small tax laid upon horses, the object might be accomplished. There were turn pikes actually at this moment on the stones, in the very centre of town. No less than 200,000l. had been levied within the last year by the several turnpikes within ten miles of London; and, for every purpose that the money could be legitimately applied to, 60,000l. would have been abundantly sufficient. The hon. member then moved as an amendment, that the inquiry contemplated should apply to all trusts within ten miles of the metropolis. Mr. Maberly concurred in the view of the noble lord (Lord Lowther), and believed that an immense deal of money, through his proposition, might be saved to the public. Sir T. Baring decidedly supported the inquiry. A million and a half of money was annually levied in England by turnpikes, all to be disposed of by irresponsible persons. When hon. members saw the names of fifty or a hundred respectable gentlemen to a road bill of ten miles, this seemed to afford some security for the proper application of the money collected. It amounted to no pledge at all; the names were merely those of persons who lived upon the line; not one in twenty ever attended to the matter at all, which was, in fact, conducted by a few (very often interested) individuals. The honourable baronet sat down by declaring, that as soon as investigation was made, he looked for nothing less than a total alteration of the present system. A short conversation, as to the advantage of the amendment, took place between Mr. T. Wilson, Mr. Holme Sumner, Mr. Benett, Mr. Hume, and Sir Edw. Knatchbull. The amendment was then agrced to, to, and the committee of inquiry appointed. Mr. Serjeant Onslow rose to move the order of the day for the usury laws' repeal bill. Mr. Calcraft, as the hon. and learned gentleman persevered in his annual bill, felt compelled to do the same by his annual opposition. Surely, he should have thought, the present state of the money-market, where every man who wanted capital could obtain it on convenient terms;-this fact alone might have been a sufficient answer to any proposal for altering the law. He admitted the general principle of leaving men to do as they pleased with their own property; but this was not a rule without an exception. Look at the building act, which compelled men to raise their houses after a particular fashion, or not at all. Again, the law with respect to gaming and gaming houses-that law said that a man should not do as he pleased with his own money. He might not lose it at play, nor might he open a house with it, in which others might lose their money. If men might be left to use their own property as they thought fit, what did the measure mean which one of the wisest persons in the kingdom was introducing, to repress that species of wild speculation of which so much had lately been on foot? While Lord Eldon was bringing in a bill to restrict men's using their money in one way, the learned serjeant opposite was calling to take off a law which restrained them in another. What became of the Bubble Act, if men might make what market of their capital they thought proper? The hon. gentleman sat down by contending that the 1825. weight of evidence before the house was decidedly in favour of continuing the law. Mr. Hume disagreed entirely with the hon. member for Wareham as to the wisdom of the bill which a certain noble personage was introducing. He admitted that there had lately been some tricks practised by persons high in rank, of first undertaking schemes, then getting rid of their interest, and leaving the community to suffer. He deprecated such practices most deeply, and thought that any man of honour did an act unworthy of himself who lent his name or credit to speculations of the kind: but still he did not think that the Lord Chancellor's bill would pass the house of commons. For the plea that the country had thrived under the usury laws, so it had done under the operation of twenty other principles which were now acknowledged to be erroneous. How would hon. gentlemen like the price of any other commodity to be limited, as they wished to limit the value of capital? Suppose a law passed that no land should be let for more than 15s. an acre, what would the hon. member for Wareham say to that? He (Mr. Hume) felt quite certain that the existing restrictions could not continue, Mr. John Smith said, that the argument of the state of the country was one which, with him, had no weight at all. The same plea might have been resorted to in the discussion which was just over, about turnpike tolls; it might have been said, the roads are excellent, the country flourishes, why do you ask an alteration? Money, like every thing else, would find its value; and the man who wanted it, if he E did |