whilst the Peruvian republic shall be occupied by the troops of Colombia.

The republic of Mexico has just given a terrible lesson to usurpers of the rights of the people. General Iturbide violated the law which banished him, and landed on the Mexican territory under circumstances which alarmed the government. He was declared a traitor deserving death by act of congress, and the penalty was inflicted without opposition. It seems evident that the Mexican government has, by this measure, made an important stride towards stability and prosperity. Recent intelligence from that part of America states, that the most energetic and extraordinary measures are taken to defend its independence against the views of Spain, and to compel those towns that disregard the pact of union to return to their duty.

The provinces of Guatimala continue to preserve unmolested the sovereignty into which they spontaneously elected themselves. An accredited minister from that government to the republic is now residing in our capital. A favourable opportunity, therefore, pre sents itself of settling points of great interest. The establishment of limits between Colombia and Guatimala is imperiously called for, in consequence of certain foreigners pretending to a right to the coast of Mosquito, and inasmuch as the interior boundary-line between the countries is not ascer→ tained. The executive, in strict compliance with the law of the 12th of July of the year 1821, has declared, that that part of the Atlantic coast which extends from

Cape Gracio a Dios to the river Chagres belongs to the republic, and that all colonization made therein without the sanction of the government and laws of Colombia is null and void. I submit this decree to your judgment, as well as the arguments I have adduced in defence of the integrity of the territory of the republic and its rights, and in order to frustrate the views of our enemies.

The agitated state of the Brazilian empire has not yet enabled us to form relations of friendship and good understanding with that government, with which we have likewise to arrange questions regarding territorial limits. assured of the good disposition of the Emperor towards Colombia; and, on our part, we have avoided all cause of complaint and dissension. When the moment shall arrive for negociating with the Brazilian government, the executive will not fail to observe that frankness and good faith which form the basis of its principles, by conforming to the last territorial treaty made between Spain and Portugal, in Madrid, in 1777.

With the United States we maintain the most friendly and cordial relations. The treaty of peace, friendship, navigation, and commerce, celebrated by the executive with those states, through the medium of duly authorised plenipotentiaries, will be forthwith laid before you. The principles we have therein adopted are so commendable in their nature, as to render all eulogium superfluous. Never has the government of Colombia appeared more attached to that spirit of civilization and humanity which ought to distinguish

the

the governments of free people, than in this treaty. Colombia will have the laudable pride of having been the first among the states of ancient Spanish America, to appear before the world united by public treaties with the most favoured nation of liberty. You will also examine the convention entered into with these states, for the purpose of putting an end to the horrible traffic in negroes of Africa. Our laws have already forbidden this execrable traffic, and the executive has formed its conduct on their basis. The law of the 21st of July of the year 11, has forbidden the introduction of slaves; and the provisional cruizing ordinances condemn as lawful prizes all vessels trading in African negroes, that may be captured in the waters within the jurisdiction of the republic; but no penalty being awarded for the violation of this law, and it being a justice due to the human race to modify our cruizing laws, the executive thinks that these objects have been obtained by our convention with the United States.

To convey a correct idea of our relations with Europe, I deem it incumbent on me to deal frankly, by entering on a detail which will give you this information, and at the same time demonstrate to the world the political principles of the government of Colombia. The commissioners of his Britannic Majesty in this capital requested that the executive would issue the exequatur necessary for the recognition of the consuls sent by the king to some of our ports. As no commissions accompanied this application, as is usual and customary, the executive was under the painful necessity of deferring the

exequatur until these commissions should be duly presented by the several parties, relying on their being framed in the terms usual amongst nations. As soon as the person on whom the title of consul-general had been conferred arrived in this capital, he presented his commission, assuring the executive, at the same time, that the commissions of the consuls of La Guayra, Maracaibo, Carthagena, and Panama, were conceived in the same terms. The commission makes mention of the provinces of Colombia, instead of the Republic of Colombia, by which latter title is was determined by our fundamental laws that this country should be known since the year 1819; and the consuls are therein accredited to the authorities that might happen to be established, instead of being accredited to the executive power, or president of the republic, as they ought to have been, agreeably to the principles of public right, to our constitution, and to the conduct observed by the United States. The executive considered these errors as a necessary consequence of that state of ambiguity and practical difficulties in which the English government found itself placed, in treating of the recognition of the independence of Colombia, as was stated to parliament by the ministers of his Britannic Majesty's government: for, in reality, it would have been a manifest contradiction to have accredited consuls to the ports of Colombia in the usual terms, and as the rights of nations demand, without recognizing the independence and existence of the government from which it sought the admission of these officers.

The

The executive did not hesitate in adopting the line of conduct most conformable with the dignity of the republic, and serviceable to the interests of the British nation. Placed in the painful situation of deceiving the republic, by illegally recognizing as duly accredited consuls, persons who did not come recommended to the government of Colombia, and who did not appear destined to the ports of the republic, I did not hesitate to refuse the exequatur to their nominations, and caused to be explained to the commissioners of his Britannic Majesty the powerful motives I had for adopting this resolution, assuring them at the same time, that in order to give fresh proof of friendship and goodwill towards the British government and people, I would permit the persons appointed to these consulships to protect the commerce and interests of English subjects in the capacity of agents for the protection of sailors and commerce. The commissioners accepted these terms with pleasure, without refuting the strong arguments on which my denial of the exequatur was grounded. If the congress will call to mind, that in my former message I pledged myself that in the course of the negociation about to be opened with the commissioners of his Britannic Majesty, I would not lose sight of the dignity of the government, and the interests of the Colombian people, it will perceive by the present statement, that I have strictly redeemed my pledge. Public right does not recognize the admission of consuls as a bounden duty from one nation to another. The obligation so to admit them arises solely from treaties or conventions

celebrated between the parties, or from a state of peace and friendship between nations whose independence is reciprocally admitted. This principle, which the English government itself has lately observed towards the consul-general of Buenos Ayres in London, would have authorised the executive to withhold the exequatur, even had the commissions of the consuls been addressed to the republic and government of Colombia. Since this occurrence nothing has transpired in furtherance of the recognition of our independence. The government of his Britannic Majesty makes this event to depend on circumstances peculiar to the interests of Great Britain, and on the nature of the information it may receive from its respective commissioners. But if the go

vernment of his Britannic Majesty be guided by the feeling of the English nation, and that the information given respecting the state of Colombia be dictated by justice and impartiality, we may presume that this important decision on the part of the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland is at hand.

The commission of the King of the Low Countries has had the same issue. Mr. Quartell arrived in this capital with powers from the governor and rear-admiral of the island of Curaçoa, issued in virtue of positive orders from his government. The commissioner gave us assurances of the favourable sentiments of the King of Holland towards the republic of Colombia, and of his desire to establish and cultivate such relations of friendship and commerce as might be useful to both parties. The executive accepted these demon

strations

strations with gratitude, and, in like manner, gave assurances of the same sentiments towards the kingdom of the Low Countries. The commissioner required the exequatur for the consular commissions issued by the governor and rear-admiral of Curaçoa, which the executive denied, on the plea that the nomination to these offices rests with the government from whence they proceed, and not with its subordinate authorities. But as it was necessary to give the Dutch government a proof of the sincerity of onr protestations of friendship, I permitted the persons appointed to these consulships to exercise the office of commercial agents, the same as if this informality had

not been observed.

The executive has sought, by these means, to reconcile the respect due to the rights of nations and its own dignity and honour, with that friendship and harmony which we owe to friendly nations who seek an understanding with us, on behalf of their people, and of universal peace.

The superior authority of Hayti has also accredited to the government of Colombia a public agent, who proposed to celebrate and conclude a treaty of defensive alliance with us, against all invaders of either territories. The language of liberty displayed in the propositions of this agent, and the private services which the liberator and president received from the humane and sensible Petion, at a calamitous moment, did not blind the executive to the conduct it had to observe in this most delicate negociation. Hayti had defended its independence against the pretensions of France, of which

it formed part, as Colombia now defends hers against those of Spain. A defensive league with Hayti would have subjected us to a war with a nation against whom we have no complaint, and whom we ought not to provoke to hostilities. The interest of the republic consists in diminishing the number of its enemies, whilst the proposed treaty would have increased them, and have taken place precisely under circumstances when the Spanish government is making every effort to compromise France in the war with America. Never can the interests of Hayti and Colombia be identified with respect to their ancient metropolises. A sympathy, indeed, prevails in this particular between Colombia and those states of America which formerly depended on Spain, and it is on this account that the government of the republic has promoted and concluded a confederation among the new American States. The treaties existing between these and ourselves, prevent us, by their very nature, from entering into alliances with countries which have not belonged to the Spanish nation; and a defensive alliance with Hayti would arouse a new enemy against our allies without their knowledge or consent. You know, gentlemen, that the eastern part of the island of St. Domingo belonged to France, in virtue of the treaty of Basilea, and that it was afterwards restored to Spain by the treaty of Paris; that in the year 1822 the inhabitants of St. Domingo proclaimed their independence; that in the last days of their political existence they raised the Colombian standard; and that the Chief of Hayti has reduced this territory to his dominion, for rea

sons

sons that are not accurately known although its fundamental law is urged as a pretext. It does not seem that the conduct of the pre sident of Hayti ought to draw on him the enmity of Spain, which is the only nation with which we are at war; because, when the authorities of Hayti occupied that part of the island which was formerly Spanish, they did not take possession of a Spanish territory, but of an independent country, which had manifested a wish to place itself under the protection of Colombia. All these considerations have induced the executive to refer the proposition of the Haytian agent to the united assembly of the plenipotentiaries of the American governments. France and our allies will observe in this upright proceeding the principles and good policy of the Colombian government: the former, especially, must perceive that we act with sincerity and good intentions, in the steps we have taken to incline his Most Christian Majesty in favour of the republic, and that we do not attribute to the French government the suspicious and treacherous conduct displayed by those persons who arrived here in the frigate Tarm, and whose voyage seems to have had for its object a visit to the country merely to pry into the state of our affairs.

The tranquillity enjoyed by the republic has enabled the executive to make arrangements for the extension of the new method of instruction in the first rudiments of learning, for increasing the number of scholars, establishing new professorships, and reforming some colleges which still languished under the ancient colonial system of education, and the horrors of

the war. The progress of public education must necessarily be slow, whilst the funds of the colleges continue so small as they are at present; and perhaps we might mistrust the benefit of the establishments that have been founded, did we not observe the youth of the country eager to learn, and the teachers devoting themselves to public instruction, without other incentive than their own zeal and respect for their characters. I hope that, in the course of this session, time will be found for digesting a general plan of study, the want of which is every day more sensibly felt.

The project of laws for the political and judicial administration of departments, which were laid before the executive at the close of the last session, will be returned to you, with such objections thereto as seem to me expedient. I will not assert that such objections will render these important laws perfect, but your intelligence, and the time that will be afforded you for their deliberate discussion, inspire me with a confidence that your labours will make them so, and that their utility will be acknowledged throughout the republic. The executive is persuaded that these two laws will correct the errors which exist in the government of departments, and will partially improve the administration of justice, by making it a positive and substantial blessing to the people, who complain with much reason of the extensive jurisdiction embraced by the only three tribunals of appeal which we possess, and of the circumscribed power of the municipalities. But that this blessing may be rendered complete, it is absolutely necessary to