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breaking up of the more violent amongst the clubs, there have been crowds collected, night after night, in the vicinity of the Portes St. Denis and St. Martin, and the spirit which animates them has been manifested, significantly enough, by such cries as, "Vive Barbès! A bas l'Assemblée Nationale!" The law (being seriously repressive, and the penalties consequent on its infringement unaccommodatingly severe) has, of course, been violently opposed by the extreme left of the Chamber. M. Marie, on the part of the Executive Commission, in a sharp, decided speech, insisted on the urgent necessity for the Bill, and on the Chamber voting it without delay. Whilst he was speaking, M. Flocon quietly left the house, fearing, probably, lest he should be called upon, in the course of the debate, to choose between the renunciation of the red portfolio which he carries under his arm, so coaxingly and so unexpectedly, and the adoption of a line of policy decidedly at variance with his known and expressed opinions. Perhaps, too, he may have been shamed. and conscience-stricken by the apostrophe which M. Lepelletier, one of the roughest members of the unshorn Montagne, threw in the face of the Ministry.

M. Lepelletier: "Miserable men! See you not that it is proposed to assassinate the Republic, and that you, her spoiled children, are whetting the murderous knife ?" (Groans and laughter.)

A voice: "Allons donc."

M. Lepelletier: "There is no allons donc' in the matter." (Renewed laughter.)

No wonder that Flocon, the republic's spoiled child, par excellence, feeling abashed and uncomfortable at his filial ingratitude, should be glad to " take his absence," as dear Harry used to say.

Notwithstanding the undecided posture of the ministry, and the bombast of the demagogues of the opposition, the Bill, with a few trifling amendments, was passed by a large majority. And now there is some hope that the streets may become orderly, and thoroughfares once more. I do not know what effect it will have upon the people's banquet, which had been announced for Sunday next. It was to have taken place at St. Mandé, and 100,000 persons were expected to meet there. It is shrewdly suspected that their real object was to make an attempt on the fortress at Vincennes, and that they hoped, by an unexpected coup de main, to make themselves masters of the place, and release Barbès, Blanqui, Raspail, and the rest. The placard of invitation is couched in the same sad and insidious language, of which I sent you a specimen, out of the mouth of Blanqui. It runs thus:

"Children of the Republic!

"Our mother is poor.

She can make no superfluous expenditure.

She invites you to a banquet, at twenty-five centimes a head.

“The meal of a workman must cost no more. The sweat of his brow, and the produce of his labour, has gone to swell the importance of kings and their lackeys," etc., etc.

One can readily imagine the effect which language of this description must produce upon a class of people who are suffering great privations, and who cannot but remember that, on the 25th of February, the fate of Paris and its inhabitants was in their hands: that they were undisputed masters of life and property.

The result of the Paris elections will be known this afternoon. You will, of course, have it in Friday's paper.

*

*

Paris, June 13th, 1848.

As I anticipated, yesterday's political barometer marked " very stormy" in Paris. Violent discussion in the Chamber, and turbulent sedition in the streets. The popular cry was "Vive Napoléon!" and the popular manifestation was got up with a view to frighten the National Assembly into the recognition of Louis Napoléon's qualification to take his seat in the Chamber. The attitude of the populace was considered so menacing, that at 2 o'clock the rappel was beaten in every quarter of Paris.

I went down immediately to the Place de la Concorde, where I found a troop of Dragoons at the head of the bridge, and a batallion of Infantry of the Line, massed upon the bridge itself. All the other approaches to the Chamber were equally guarded by Cavalry, Infantry of the Line, National Guards, Mobiles et Sédentaires, and the Artillery was ready to check, at a moment's warning, any hostile movement, with a discharge of grape and canister. National Guards continued pouring into the Champs Elyseés, the Place de la Concorde, and the Tuileries, until 5 o'clock, at about which time several of their drums were knocked in, and three shots fired at Clément Thomas, at an Infantry Officer, and at a National Guardsman, who, it is said, was killed.* The troops, who displayed admirable moderation, did not return the fire. General Cavaignac, the Minister at War, was at their head, and immediately gave orders to clear the place, which manoeuvre was executed in less than five minutes, by the troops of all arms, au pas de charge.

A General Officer, surrounded by his staff, and followed by a troop of Dragoons, galloped up the Rue Royale, through the Place, and down the Rue de la Madeleine, and the Rue des Champs Elyseés, back to the Place de la Concorde. A few people were knocked down; and as I was returning home, I had to take refuge in the new passages under Mrs. Maberly's house. As soon as the troop had swept by, I continued my walk, and had hardly got within our own gate, before they cantered up again, scouring along the Boulevards, on footpath and carriage-way, with the mob flying before them like a flock of scared sheep. In the midst of all this hubbub and confusion,

* This account is a gross exaggeration. It appears now, that but one shot was fired, by which a National Guard was slightly wounded in the hand, and that even this shot was accidental.

the question of young Buonaparte's admission was adjourned to this day, and under cover of the general alarm, the vote of confidence implied in the grant of 100,000 francs a month to the Executive Council, for frais de bureau et de sûreté générale, was passed by a large majority. Only one member, M. d'Adelsward, ventured to make any serious opposition; he told the Government and the Chamber some hard truths, but the blows he struck fell upon cold iron, and even a sledge hammer, wielded by the strongest arm, can produce but little effect upon metal at that temperature. My opinion of the men at the head of affairs in France is so unfavourable, that I strongly suspect that the demonstration was got up with their connivance, in order to obtain from the Chamber, under the influence of excitement and alarm, the vote of confidence, which they had made a cabinet question. As I came home at night, there were numerous groups on the Boulevards, discussing the Napoléon question. In one of them I stopped the dispute for a moment, by asking a workman, Est ce que vous portez Louis Napoléon à la Chambre comme Republicain et ami du peuple? Oui, citoyen, said he, angrily. Mais savez vous que deux fois ila voulu se faire proclamer Empereur, et qu'il démanda le báton de connétable à Londres pour frapper les Chartistes ? He did not know what answer to make to this, and there was a general laugh, in which be could not help joining.

June 14th.

Monday night passed over without any serious disturbances, and all the mobs collected yesterday were dispersed without bloodshed. In the Chamber, the discussion upon the admission of Louis Buonaparte was, by turns, violent, sarcastic, and acrimonious. Jules Favre, the election committee's reporter, pleaded eloquently, and logically, in defence of his right to take his seat; whilst lightning-conductor Lamartine, and Ledru-Rollin, of the thunder-circulars, made but a feeble feint of attack, upon a point which public opinion had surrounded with such bulwarks as rendered it almost impregnable. In fact, I am more and more convinced that the whole affair was one of those underhand, Jesuitical plots, in which Lamartine is so cunning an adept, to surprise the Chamber into a vote of confidence, which his conscience must tell him he neither merits, nor can hope to obtain by fair and legitimate means. However this may be, the Chamber decided, by a large majority, that the election was valid, and that Louis Buonaparte should take his seat, on the production of the necessary documents in proof of his age, and French citizenship. But, in the meantime, those five-fingered Jacks, La Tartine and Legueux-Coquin have managed to thrust their hands still deeper than before into the public purse. How gladly will the nation witness l'arrestade ce láche et de ce Coquin! The time is not yet mature, apparently, in the opinion of those statesmen of old date, who, from their sagacity and experience, are best able to judge. No men of this class would accept office provisionally, and it is generally supposed that the

Chamber only waits until the Constitution is voted, to send the whole of the present gang about their business.

You must have been much amused by the account of the blockade to which the tumultuous assemblages about the Porte St. Denis were subjected on Saturday night. National representatives, magistrates, officers, forçats, pickpockets, and badauds, all denied egress, until one o'clock in the morning, when they were marched off, under strong escort, to the Préfecture de Police, and then thrust, pell-mell, without distinction of classes, into all available lock-up houses, to await their examination on the following morning. Some of the papers say that there were two attachés of the British Embassy amongst the number. It must have been curious packing. Members of the National Assembly cheek by jowl with members of the National Ratéliers; magistrates lying down with felons; officers of the army fraternising with the méneurs de la canaille; and the nobility of superfine attachés soiled by vulgar contact with the great unwashed! This humourous and instructive lesson was much required, and will not be thrown away upon the 'curieux,' who form so large a portion of open-air meetings in general. For my own part, as I have no desire to be locked up for the night in suspicious company, I shall abstain from mingling in mobs hereafter, so that you need expect no more of my personal experience in such matters, in future letters.

Paris, June 23rd, 1818.

* * * Les évènemens que j'avais prévus dans ma dernière lettre ne se sont pas fait attendre long-tems. The rappel is now beating in Paris; the weather fine, and the temperature at émeute-heat. Everything seems to tend towards a collision between the two parties, which divide the population; between the right-thinking, and the wrong-doing, the actual possessors and their would-be spoliators. Forewarned, however, is fore-armed, and it is possible that a display of force, and a firm attitude on the part of the Chamber, may change the song of the ateliers nationaux, from the nous rest'rons! rest'rons! which they chanted yesterday before the Luxembourg, to nous rentr'rons! nous rentr'rons! if they find themselves pricked in the hinder parts by the bayonets of the infantry, or trampled under the hoofs of the cavalry, who are called out to maintain order and protect property.

nous

We have had some interesting debates in the National Assembly, since I wrote last; on Tuesday, in particular, and again yesterday. On the latter occasion, when the railway question was under discussion, M. de Montalembert was the lion of the day, and made a most admirable speech in defence of the great principles of private honesty and public faith. On the former, M. Caussidière came out very strong on the subject of material order, and encouragement to commerce and industry. There is one part of his speech which was much applauded, and which is worthy of the earnest attention of all distressed operatives on our side of the channel. He says that now

is the time to strike a blow at the heart of England, by means of a high premium on the exportation of every sort of goods from France. Our industrial and commercial supremacy is to him, as it is to all Frenchmen, an intolerable grievance, and they would think no sacrifice too great, in order to involve our country in the same distress and ruin, to which, by turbulence and want of principle, they have reduced their own. Such are the first-fruits of their false pretensions to universal liberty, and universal brotherhood, and I think our own people would do well to ponder the consequences, before they allow their minds to be perverted by the hollow phrases, and false professions of such propagandists as these. Victor Hugo says, "on every side misery is on the increase; and what aggravates our misery, is that others are profiting by our calamities. Whilst Paris suffers, London is in raptures. In London, commerce is increasing threefold, whilst in Paris it is at the last gasp." Such phrases as these may excite evil passions in France, but if with us they are received as an appeal to prudent patience, and a stimulus to renewed exertion, all that is false in them, as regards the present, may become true and prophetic with respect to the future, and a new era of prosperity open before us, such as we have not enjoyed nor dared even to hope for, during a long series of years.

There are troops of all arms, infantry, cavalry, and artillery, in motion along the Boulevard. I can sit still no longer and must

put by my letter until to-morrow.

24th. 10 o' Clock.

During the whole of yesterday, the National Guards and regulars were hotly engaged. The loss of life has been fearful, and the battle was quite undecided when night closed in. This morning, at break of day, we were awakened by loud, and incessant discharges of musketry and artillery. These have continued up to the present moment with unabated fury. The struggle rages with the greatest obstinacy, in the cité, and in the twelfth arrondissement. Troops and rebels are fighting with the courage of despair, and the whole of the social system in France depends upon the issue of the battle. Should the émeute prevail, property exists no longer, and, under the régime of the guillotine en permanence, no man's life is worth a month's purchase. How thankful I feel that you are out of harm's way! Whichever way the battle may end, our state of suspense is fearful, and this once gay and happy town is now no place for women.

11 o'clock.

The Provisional Government have resigned, and Cavaignac is appointed Dictator of the Republic, (pro tem.) It is reported that in case the rebels do not submit in one hour, he will declare Paris en état de siège, and bombard all the quarters in which they are barricaded. Troops and National Guards are arriving from the provinces, and it seems to be generally expected that force will remain on the side of the law. U—— J- is off to Havre, to await there the turn

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