and adopts the measure in part only, and all vary in time and manner, it is scarcely possible that our affairs should prosper, or that any thing but disappointment can follow the best concerted plans. The willing States are almost ruined by their exertions; distrust and jealousy ensue. Hence proceed neglect and ill-timed compliances, one State waiting to see what another will do. This thwarts all our measures, after a heavy though ineffectual expense is incurred." And he adds, on the point of vesting Congress with competent powers; "Our independence, our respectability and consequence in Europe, our greatness as a nation hereafter, depend upon it. The fear of giving sufficient powers to Congress, for the purposes I have mentioned, is futile. A nominal head, which at present is but another name for Congress, will no longer do. That honorable body, after hearing the interests and views of the several States fairly discussed and explained by their representatives, must dictate, and not merely recommend and leave it to the States to do afterwards as they please, which, as I have observed before, is in many cases to do nothing at all." These sentiments he often repeated in letters to his friends, but more as an expression of his wishes than in the confidence of hope. The time for establishing a firm and united government had not come. Nor indeed was it to be expected that the States, jealous of their rights, and each possessing within itself the substance and the forms of a separate commonwealth, would resign without great caution these positive advantages for the doubtful security of a new and untried system.

It is remarkable, however, that Congress assumed and exercised certain powers implying the highest prerogatives of sovereignty, while they neglected to use others of a subordinate kind, which were less likely to

be abused, and were even more necessary to move the great machine of government. They made war, declared independence, formed treaties of alliance, sent ministers to foreign courts, emitted a paper currency and pledged the credit of all the States for its redemption, and on more than one occasion conferred dictatorial powers on the commander of their armies. These acts of supreme power they hazarded without scruple or hesitation, without consulting their constituents or the fear of displeasing them; but they ventured only to recommend to the States to raise troops, levy taxes, clothe and feed their naked and starving soldiers, and to execute the laws for the purposes of internal government; shrinking from the responsibility of enforcing their decrees, or even of advising compulsory

measures.

This seeming contradiction is not inexplicable. Their course was prudent, perhaps necessary. The first series of acts here enumerated did not bear immediately upon the people. Alliances might be entered into, a foreign minister might come or go, an army might be voted or the credit of the nation pledged, and no individual would feel any present inconvenience; whereas, if a man was required to be a soldier, to pay a tax, or give up part of his substance, he would begin to think of himself, talk of his rights, complain of hardships, and question the authority that demanded obedience. The difficulty of exacting such obedience by force, and the danger of the attempt, are equally obvious.

The British general seems not to have meditated any offensive operations in the northern States for the coming campaign. His attention was chiefly directed to the south, where such detachments as could be spared from his army at New York were to coöperate with Lord Cornwallis. Sixteen hundred men, with a pro

portionate number of armed vessels, were sent into the Chesapeake under the command of Arnold, who was eager to prove his zeal for the cause of his new friends by the mischief he could do to those, whom he had deserted and sought to betray. Before his arrival in the Chesapeake, General Leslie had left Virginia and sailed for Charleston; so that Arnold received the undivided honor of his exploits, and, what he valued more highly, a liberal share of the booty that fell into his hands. He burnt Richmond, seized private property, and committed depredations in sundry places.

About the middle of January the British fleet blockading the harbour of Newport was so much shattered and dispersed by a violent storm, that the scale of superiority turned in favor of the French squadron. The Chevalier de Ternay had recently died, and M. Destouches, who succeeded him in the command, reconnoitred the enemy's fleet after the storm, and, finding it well secured in Gardiner's Bay, at the east end of Lond Island, he was not inclined to seek an engagement. Taking advantage of the opportunity, however, he detached a ship of the line and two frigates under M. de Tilly to the Chesapeake, with the design to blockade Arnold's squadron, and to act against him in concert with the American troops on land. As soon as General Washington heard of the damage suffered by the British ships, he wrote to Count de Rochambeau, recommending that M. Destouches should proceed immediately to Virginia with his whole fleet and a thousand troops from the French army. This advice was not received till after the departure of M. de Tilly from Newport, when it was too late to comply with it, as the British fleet in the mean time had gained strength, and made it hazardous for M. Destouches to leave the harbour.

M. de Tilly's expedition was only in part successful. He entered the Chesapeake, but Arnold drew his vessels so high up the Elizabeth River, that they could not be reached by the French line-of-battle ship; and one of the frigates ran aground, and was set afloat again with difficulty. As M. de Tilly could not remain long in the Chesapeake without the hazard of being blockaded by a British force, he put to sea and arrived at Newport after an absence of fifteen days.

Although the British had repaired their damaged vessels, yet by the junction of M. de Tilly an equality was restored to the French; and M. Destouches, in conformity to the recommendation of General Washington, resolved on an expedition to Virginia with his whole naval force, to which Count de Rochambeau added eleven hundred troops, commanded by Baron de Viomenil. The French were pursued by Admiral Arbuthnot with all his blockading squadron, and overtaken near the Capes of Virginia, where an action ensued, which terminated with nearly equal honor to both parties. The object of the expedition was thus defeated, unless it was a part of M. Destouches's purpose to bring on a naval engagement, which is not improbable. The fleet returned to Newport without attempting to enter the Chesapeake.

The moment Washington received the intelligence, that M. de Tilly had sailed to the southward, he detached twelve hundred men from his army to proceed by land to the Chesapeake and coöperate with the French against Arnold. At the head of this detachment he placed the Marquis de Lafayette, being influenced in his choice both by a political motive, and by his confidence in the ability and bravery of that officer. The appointment was complimentary to

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the allies, and it was thought that harmony would be more surely preserved by a commander, who was beloved by the American troops, and respected for his rank and character by his own countrymen. Lafayette marched from Hudson's River on the 20th of February. On his arrival in Virginia, his seniority of rank would give him the command of all the Continental troops in that State, and of all the militia drawn into the service to oppose the enemy in the waters of the Chesapeake. Hitherto Baron Steuben had conducted the operations against Arnold in Virginia, having been detained for that purpose when on his way to join General Greene.

To mature the plans for the campaign, and to communicate with the French commanders on points that could not be safely intrusted to writing, General Washington made a journey to Newport. He left head-quarters on the 2d of March, and was absent nearly three weeks. He arrived a day or two before M. Destouches's departure on the expedition above mentioned. The citizens of Newport received him with a public address, expressive of their attachment, their gratitude for his services, and the joy they felt at seeing him among them. In his reply he took care to reciprocate and confirm the sentiments, which they had declared in regard to the allies. "The conduct of the French army and fleet," said he, "of which the inhabitants testify so grateful and so affectionate a sense, at the same time that it evinces the wisdom of the commanders and the discipline of the troops, is a new proof of the magnanimity of the nation. It is a further demonstration of that generous zeal and concern for the happiness of America, which brought them to our assistance, a happy presage of future harmony, a pleasing evidence that an